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The only authentic Portrait. Engraved for a book by Theodore Eeza, 
published at Geneva in 1580. 







A Twentieth Century ILdition 







" It is really a loss to English and even to universal literature 
that Knox s hasty and strangely interesting, impressive, and 
peculiar Book, called The History of the Reformation in Scotland, 
has not been rendered far more extensively legible to serious 
mankind at large than is hitherto the case. There is in it, 
... a really singular degree of clearness, sharp just insight 
and perspicacity, now and then of picturesqueness and visuality, 
as if the thing was set before your eyes ; and everywhere a 
feeling of the most perfect credibility and veracity : that is to 
say altogether, of Knox s high qualities as an observer and 
narrator. . . . This man, you can discern, has seized the 
essential elements of the phenomenon, and done a right portrait 
of it ; a man with an actually seeing eye. . . . 

"Besides this perfect clearness, naivete, and almost un 
intentional pictnresqueness, there are to be found in Knox s 
swift flowing History many other kinds of geniality, and 
indeed of far higher excellences than are wont to be included 
under that designation. The grand Italian Dante is not more 
in earnest about this inscrutable Immensity than Knox is. 
There is in Knox throughout the spirit of an old Hebrew 
Prophet, such as may have been in Moses in the Desert at sight 
of the Burning Bush ; spirit almost altogether unique among 
modern men ; and along with all this, in singular neighbour 
hood to it, a sympathy, a veiled tenderness of heart, veiled, 
but deep and of piercing vehemence, and withal even an inward 
gaiety of soul, alive to the ridicule that dwells in whatever is 
ridiculous, in fact a fine vein of humour, which is wanting in 
Dante. . . . 

"The story of this great epoch is nowhere to be found so 
impressively narrated as in this Book of Knox s ; a hasty 
loose production, but grounded on the completest knowledge, 
and with visible intention of setting down faithfully both the 
imperfections of poor fallible men, and the unspeakable mercies 
of God to this poor realm of Scotland." 




KNOX S " History " has all the essential qualities of a classic. 
It makes appeal with perennial freshness to the heart of man. 
It depicts a struggle for religious freedom which never had an 
equal, either before or since, and yet has a counterpart in 
the experience of every age. It is the honest and truthful 
record of one of the most highly energised men that ever 
crossed the stage of life a record, withal, so masterly that 
the reader s mind and heart attain the writer s meaning and 
point of view, at a bound. Its humanity is as broad as human 
nature ; its grasp of the eternal verities is childlike yet strong ; 
its imagination is sane yet soaring. 

The literary and historical value of the " History " has 
been adequately estimated for us by Carlyle. in his " Essay on 
the Portraits of John Knox ; " and here we would only 
emphasise its manifestation of the intellectual quality and 
patriotic spirit of the men who were, under God, responsible 
for the great reformation of religion within the realm of Scot 
land. Above all, we would mark the noble conception of God 
which possessed the hearts of the Reformers. For them, the 
Eternal, our God, as Knox is fond of calling Him, was a 
living reality; and, with holy boldness, they withstood the 
enemies of God, whatever the worldly position and seeming 
authority of these might be. God s will was supreme, and 
they were there to see to its execution. The sap of the Old 
Testament is in all their utterances. 

The document known as Knoxs Confession of Faith, 
and The Book of Discipline throw further light upon the 


high intellectual endowments and virile faith of the Eeformers. 
The " Confession " is of historic value. It was the recognised 
creed of the Eeformed Church in Scotland, from 1560 until 
1647, when it was unfortunately discarded for the West 
minster Confession. Passages in The Book of Discipline touch 
the sublime. The work, as a whole, contains a complete and 
statesmanlike scheme for the ecclesiastical administration of 
the realm of Scotland, for the conduct of its schools and 
colleges, for the relief of its poor, and for the control of its 
social relations. This ideal constitution was tinkered and 
modified, in parts, before it secured the approval of those 
who had great possessions, snatched from the dispossessed 
" Papistical Kirk." But upon its broad framework there rest 
the Scotland and the Presbyterianism of which Scotsmen are 
justly proud to-day. 

Originally dictated by Knox to amanuenses at intervals, 
between 1559 and 1571, this "History" existed only in manu 
script for many years. Copied and recopied by scribes of 
differing abilities and of varying bias, the traditional text 
became overlaid with emendations in some copies, and enfeebled 
by excisions and suppressions in others, while of clerical errors 
there is no small crop in almost every one of the extant 
versions. Several times in the course of the eighteenth and 
nineteenth centuries, one or other of these versions was printed 
and put forth as Knox s work. But it was only in 1846 that, 
as a result of the painstaking research of the notable Scottish 
antiquarian scholar, Dr. David Laing, a really authentic and 
complete version of the " History " was issued by the Wodrow 

So far as scholarly research is concerned, Dr. Laing put 
the copestone upon the task of securing an authentic text, 
and his will probably be the definitive edition. In it the 
historians of succeeding generations may win the ore of 
historic fact and contemporary sentiment. But the work 
of Knox has a far wider appeal. Its author had his 
eye upon posterity when he wrote : lie had a message 
for it. Time and again, he makes occasion to say so. As 
thus : 


" This we write, that the posterity to come may understand 
how potently God wrought in preserving and delivering those that 
had but a small knowledge of His truth, and for the love of the 
same hazarded all. We or our posterity may see a fearful dispersion 
of such as oppose themselves to impiety, or take upon them to 
punish the same otherwise than laws of men will permit : we may 
see them forsaken by men, and, as it were, despised and punished 
by God. But, if we do, let us not damn the persons that punish 
vice for just causes, nor yet despair that the same God that casts 
down, for causes unknown to us, will again raise up the persons 
dejected, to His glory and their comfort." 

Or again : " This we put in memory, that the posterities to come 
may know that God once made His truth to triumph ; but, because 
some of ourselves delighted more in darkness than in light, He hath 
restrained our freedom, and put the whole body in bondage." 

Note the obstacles which have checked the wider currency 
of the book. Knox wrote in the " Engliss tongue," with a 
liberal admixture of good Scots words. But English prose 
was then only in its birth. Knox s spelling is now hope 
lessly archaic, if not anarchic ; his punctuation is no help, and 
almost a hindrance ; and his style of composition, in his more 
sustained periods, is ponderous and involved. Nor is this 
all. Knox s original conception of his task seems to have 
been that of an exact record or chronicle of the occurrences 
between 1558 and 1561 of which he had personal knowledge, 
or documentary or other credible evidence. He has, there 
fore, conscientiously transcribed complete copies of letters, 
treaties, bonds, instructions to deputies (" credits " be calls 
them), and even of sucb lengthy documents as The Confession 
of Faith and The Book of Discipline, as well as of sermons 
preached on sundry occasions. To tbe historian, all these 
records are invaluable ; but they only serve to distract 
"the ordinary reader s attention from the main current 
of the narrative. They blunt his interest, instead of 
whetting it. 

The present edition is a serious attempt to remove the 
obstacles to which we have just referred. The editor has 
not bound himself to reproduce the i-psissima vcrla of Knox 


at every point ; although quotations from documents have 
been transliterated with some exactness. His main object 
has been to make Knox s book utterly readable, and it may 
be claimed that the complete historical narrative is now given 
to the English reader. Here and there a parenthesis has been 
dropped, here and there a " meary tale " which carries the 
illustration of the argument a little further than modern 
ideas of decorum permit. Essential clauses of letters and 
other documents have been retained : nothing is omitted that 
will substantially further the high purpose of the history. 
The Confession of Faith, commonly known as Knox s, and The 
Book of Discipline were reckoned too important for abridg 
ment. These have been transferred bodily to the Appendix, 
to avert a serious block in the narrative. 

Every effort has been made to preserve Knox s vigorous 
phraseology intact. Obsolete and Scots words are glossed at 
the foot of the page on which they first occur; and a full 
Glossary is appended to the work. For the rest, the editor 
has sought to bring the mind and heart of Knox into touch 
with those of the reader, without unessential distractions. 
Footnotes are a manner of impertinence when a wonderful 
story is forward, and such an one is Knox s. He himself 
tells us to go to " universal histories of the time," if we want 
exact information. Here is no dry-as-dust chronicle of days 
and dates. Here we have an inspired record of the dealings 
of God with men. Here we read of their sinning, their short 
coming, and their struggling, of their faith and its victory, in 
a narrative that can be likened to nothing else in literature 
than the books of the Old Testament. This is a book for the 
heart, a human book, written by " one who neither nattered 
nor feared any flesh." 


February 1905. 




BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558. 

Early persecutions, i. Paul Craw: A.D. 1431, i. The Lollards of 
Kyle : 1494, 2. Archbishop James Beaton, 4. The Coming of Patrick 
Hamilton, 5. Persecution of Hamilton, 6. His martyrdom, 7. Question 
ings arise, 8. Friar William Arth speaks out, 8. The abuse of God s 
curse, 9. False miracles, 10. Friar Alexander Seton preaches the 
Evangel, n. His apology, 12. His persecution, 13. Persecution flags, 
13. The Reformation in England, 14. Scots Reformers abroad, 15. 
Persecution revived: 1534, 15. David Stratoun and his teind fish, 16. 
The conversion of Stratoun, 16. Martyrdom of Stratoun and Gourlay, 
17. The true light spreads : Cardinal David Beaton notwithstanding, 17. 
The Reformation in Court and cloisters, 18. Friar Kyllour and others 
go to the stake : February 1538, 18. The trial of Friar Russell and Friar 
Kennedy, 18. They are burned, 20. The bigotry of James V., 20. God 
speaks to him, 20. George Buchanan : his arrest and escape, 21. The 
broken tryst, 22. War with England : 1542, 23. Halden Rig, 23. Fala 
Raid, 24. The Lords plot against the courtiers, 24. The English army 
retires, 25. The courtiers and priests plot against the Lords, 25. "An 
answer worthy of a prince," 26. Solway Moss : how it began, 27. The 
rout of Solway Moss, 29. The blow falls on the King, 31. The birth 
of Mary Stuart, 32. The death of James V., 32. The Cardinal claims 
the regency, 33. The Earl of Arran is proclaimed Regent, 34. Thomas 
Williams and John Rough preach, in despite of the Friars, 35. Edin 
burgh drowned in superstition, 35. Liberty to read the Scriptures is 
demanded, 36. An open Bible is secured, 37. The Bible becomes 
fashionable, 37. King Harry suggests the betrothal of Queen Mary to 
Prince Edward, 38. The contract of marriage is adjusted and ratified, 38. 


The Papists refuse to acknowledge the contract, 39. They turn the 
tables, 40. The Abbot and the Cardinal next threaten the Regent, 41. 
The Regent breaks faith with England and receives absolution, 42. King 
Harry remonstrates without avail, 42. War is declared by King Harry, 
43. The revolt of the Earl of Lennox, 43. Cardinal Beaton stirs up 
strife betwixt his enemies, 44. The fight for the provostsliip of Perth, 45. 
Treachery of the Cardinal, 46. The persecution at Perth, 47. The 
English invade Scotland, and sack Edinburgh and Leith, 48. France 
comes to the aid of Cardinal Beaton, 51. John Hamilton, Abbot of 
Paisley, 51. George Wishart comes to Scotland, 52. He is driven from 
Dundee, 52. Goes to Kyle, 53. The plague comes to Dundee : Wishart 
returns, 54. The Cardinal attempts to assassinate him at Dundee, 55. 
Further treachery of the Cardinal, 56. The agony of Wishart, 57. lie 
arrives in Leith, 58. For safety he is removed to the Lothians : preaches 
at Inveresk, 59. He goes to Haddington, 60. John Knox s first appear 
ance, 60. The last sermon of Wishart : his arrest, 61. He is betrayed 
into the hands of the Cardinal, 62. The bishops and clergy are convoked 
to the trial of Wishart, 62. A merry tale of the Cardinal and Archbishop 
Duiibar, 63. Pilate and Herod patch the quarrel, 64. Wishart before 
the Cardinal s tribunal, 65. The Sub-prior preaches on heresy, 66. A 
fed sow accuses and curses Wishart, 67. His oration in reply to his 
accusers, 67. He is brought to the stake, 78. Vengeance on the Cardinal 
is vowed, 80. Assassination of Cardinal Beaton : 29th May 1546, 82. 
The reforming party is besieged in the Castle of St. Andrews, 83. A 
treacherous truce, 83. John Rough resumes preaching, 84. John Knox 
comes to the Castle of St. Andrews, 84. He is called to the office of 
preacher, 85. He denounces the Roman Kirk : his challenge, 86. The 
first public sermon of John Knox is made in the Parish Kirk of St. 
Andrews, 87. The people comment on Knox s sermon against Papistry, 
89. He is called on to defend his doctrine, 90. Signs follow his 
ministry : the backsliding of Sir James Balfour, 96. The Regent and 
the Queen-Dowager violate the Appointment : a French army comes to 
their aid, 96. The Castle is stormed, and surrenders upon terms, 98. 
The company of the Castle are carried to France, and cast into prison 
and the galleys, 99. The Papists rejoice, and the Regent receives the 
Pope s thanks, 99. The Duke of Somerset invades Scotland, 100. The 
Battle of Pinkie Clench, 100. The Parliament at Haddington : Queen 
Mary is sold to France, 104. The siege of Haddington, 105. The French 
fruits : arrogance of the French soldiery, 105. The Scots prisoners in 
France, and their deliverance, 107. John Knox prophesies of himself : 
his confidence in God s deliverance, 109. John Knox in England, and 
on the Continent, in. Haddington proves the truth of Wishart s 
foreboding, 112. Peace proclaimed (April 1550): the Papists resume 


persecution, 113. The faithful testimony and martyrdom of Adam 
Wallace, 113. The Duke is deposed, and the Queen-Dowager is made 
Regent (1554), 115. The death and virtues of Edward VI., 116. The 
superstitious cruelty of Mary of England, and of the Queen Regent, 117. 
Knox follows William Harlaw and John Willock to Scotland, 117. The 
good testimony of Elizabeth Adamson, Mistress Barren, 118. John 
Knox argues that the Mass is idolatry, 119. He preaches in different 
parts, and administers the Lord s Table, 120. He is summoned to answer 
for his doctrine : the Diet abandoned, 121. He is recalled to Geneva, 
and leaves the realm : he is burned in effigy, 122. The Regent declares 
war on England : the nobles decline to move, 122. The Evangel begins 
to flourish in Scotland, 123. Images are stolen, and the prelates practise 
with the Regent, 123. The downcasting of Saint Giles s image, and 
discomfiture of Baal s priests, 125. The Dean of Restalrig, hypocrite, 
begins to preach, 127. The recall of Knox, 128. The Lords of the 
Congregation make a covenant, 130. The Earl of Argyll promotes the 
cause of the Reformed Kirk, 132. The bishops make a feeble show 
of reformation, 132. The Regent practises for grant of the crown- 
matrimonial to the King of France, 133. The Parliament of October 
1558 : the crown-matrimonial is granted, 134. 

BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559. 

The preface to the second book, 135. The consciences of judges, 
lords, and rulers are awakened, 136. The office of elder is instituted, 
and the Privy Kirk is founded, 137. John Willock preaches : formal 
steps towards a public reformation are taken, 137. The first oration and 
petition of the Protestants of Scotland to the Queen Regent, 138. The 
Papists brag of disputation: the Articles of Reconciliation, 141. Perse 
cution at St. Andrews : Walter Myln is burned, 142. The Protestants 
appeal to Parliament, 143. The Regent makes large promises of pro 
tection and reform, 145. Treachery of the Regent : the preachers are 
summoned, 146. The revival at Perth : fury of the Regent, 147. Knox 
returns from France, and joins the Protestants at Perth, 148. The mob 
wreck the churches and destroy the monasteries in Perth, 149. The 
Queen rages, and stirs up the nobility, 151. The Protestants prepare for 
a struggle for liberty of conscience, 153. The rival forces are arrayed 
outside Perth, 154. Commissioners are sent by the Queen: interview 
with John Knox : May 1559, 154. The nobility of the West-land march 
to the aid of Perth: the Regent takes fright, 156. Another Appoint 
ment is patched up : 28th May 1559, 157. The Lords and the Congrega 
tion make a fresh covenant, 158. The Regent enters Perth, and at once 
breaks faith with the Congregation, 159. The Earl of Argyll abandons 


the Regent and declines to return, 159. The Archbishop of St. Andrews 
interdicts Knox from preaching, 160. Knox declines to obey the dictates 
of the Archbishop, 160. He preaches at St. Andrews once more: the 
monuments of idolatry are cast down, 161. The Regent declares war : 
the forces of the Congregation are called out, 162. The affair of Cupar 
Moor: the Regent sues for an armistice, 162. Once more the Regent 
breaks faith, 163. The relief of Perth, 164. The sack of the Abbey and 
Palace of Scone, 164. The forces of the Congregation take possession 
of Stirling and Edinburgh, 165. The Congregation renew peaceable over 
tures to the Regent, 166. Death of Harry Second, King of France, 169. 
The Regent again takes up arms against the Congregation, 169. Edin 
burgh Castle supports the Regent : Appointment made at Leith, 170. 
The Congregation invoke the aid of England, 170. John Willock braves 
the fury of the Regent, and continues to minister to the kirk in Edin 
burgh, 171. The citizens decline to permit popish ceremonies to be 
renewed in the High Kirk. 171. The Regent restores the Mass at Holy- 
rood, persecutes the Reformed clergy, and seeks to embroil the Protes 
tants with the French, 172. She receives reinforcements of troops 
from France, 173. A convention is held at Stirling: loth September 
1559, 174. The Lords of the Congregation agree to take up arms against 
the French invasion, 174. The protests of the Congregation are scornfully 
rejected, 175. The Congregation convene at Edinburgh: they agree to 
depose the Regent, 175. The first siege of Leith is commenced : traitors 
hinder the Protestants, 177. Hardships of the Protestant party; the 
soldiers demand their pay, 177. Four thousand crowns are sent from 
England, and captured by Lord Both well, 178. The men of Dundee lose 
their guns, 178. The ill results of further treachery, 179. The cause of 
the Protestants is in eclipse, 179. Maitland of Lethington joins the 
Lords of the Congregation, 180. The retreat from Edinburgh, 181. 
John Knox preaches at Stirling : a notable sermon on the discipline of 
Providence, i8r. 

BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561. 

The Regent possesses Edinburgh: Arran is proclaimed traitor, 185. 
French reinforcements meet with disaster, 185. News from England : a 
waiting game is played, 186. The French invade Fife, 186. An affair 
at Pettycur, 186. The French occupy Kinghorn, 187. John Knox 
preaches at Cupar, 187. The campaign in Fife, 188. An English fleet 
arrives in the Forth, 190. The French retire on Edinburgh, 190. A 
greedy Frenchman dies in a beef-tub, 191. The negotiations between 
the Congregation and the English Court, 191. Cecil s letter to Knox, 
193. Reply of Knox to Secretary Cecil, 194. A practical response, 195. 


Knox reproaches the Lords for slackness and thoughtlessness, 196. 
After the French retreat from Fife, 199. At Berwick the Lords made 
a contract with England, 200. Principal clauses of the treaty of Ber 
wick, 200. The Regent lays waste the country, 202. Second siege of 
Leith : April 1560, 204. The assault upon Leith is unsuccessful, 206. 
Sir James Crofts is blamed, 207. The siege is continued : illness of the 
Queen Regent, 208. The Regent expresses repentance, and receives 
godly instruction, 208. Death of the Queen Regent, 209. Peace with 
France is concluded, 209. The English army is withdrawn, with 
honours, 210. Public thanksgiving in St. Giles s Kirk, 210. Preachers 
and Superintendents are appointed, 212. The first Protestant Parlia 
ment, 212. John Knox preaches, and reformation is agreed upon, 213. 
The Protestants petition Parliament, 213. Parliament calls for The Con 
fession of Faith, 214. The Confession of Faith is considered by Parlia 
ment, and solemnly ratified, 214. The Mass is prohibited, 216. Queen 
Mary and the King of France do not ratify the Acts of Parliament, 216. 
The Book of Discipline, 217. The House of Guise and the Papists 
design further trouble, 217. Death of the King of France : 5th December 
1560, 218. Queen Elizabeth declines the hand of the Earl of Arran, 218. 
A public debate concerning the Mass, 219. Lord James Stewart is sent 
to Queen Mary, 221. An embassy from France, 221. Lord James has 
a narrow escape from the Papists, 222. Messages from the Queen, 223. 
Queen Mary s relations with Queen Elizabeth, 223. 

BOOK FOURTH : 1561-1564. 

No dregs of Papistry left in the Reformed Church of Scotland, 225. 
This Book tells of declension, 226. The arrival of Mary, Queen of Scots : 
a distressing omen, 226. The Mass is restored at Holyrood, 227. The 
Council tolerates the Mass at Court, 228. The Earl of Arran protests, 
229. The Protestants are beguiled, 229. John Knox preaches against 
the Queen s Mass, 230. He reasons with the Queen, 230. No results 
follow the Queen s conference with Knox, 237. The prodigality of 
Edinburgh, 238. The Magistrates of Edinburgh are imprisoned and 
deposed, 238. The Mass is restored, 239. Lord James Stewart is sent 
to the Borders, 240. The behaviour of the Queen, 240. The influence 
of the Court is felt in the Kirk, 241. The ministers reproach the 
defaulting lords, 242. Discussion concerning TJie Book of Discipline, 

243. The barons sue for public order in regard to ecclesiastical benefices, 

244. The Council agrees to divide the patrimony of the Kirk, 244. 
The modification of stipends, 245. Secretary Lethington gets his answer, 
246. Lord James Stewart created Earl of Mar : his marriage, 247. 
Disorderly conduct of Earl Bothwell and others, 248. Plots against the 


Earl of Moray, 250. Earl Both well speaks with John Knox, 250. The 
reconciliation of the Earl of Arran and the Earl Both well, 251. The Earl 
of Arran suspects treachery, 252. The frenzy of the Earl of Arran, 254. 
John Knox reproves the Queen, 255. He is summoned before the Queen, 
255. He states his views concerning the behaviour of Princes, 255. Of 
dancing, 257. The Queen negotiates with England, 258. The King of 
Sweden proposes marriage to Queen Mary, 259. The Queen and the 
Earl of Moray, 259. The General Assembly: June 1562, 259. The 
supplication to the Queen, 259. Secretary Lethington objects to the 
terms of the supplication, 264. The Queen visits the North : Papist 
intrigues, 265. John Knox warns the Protestants, 266. A bond is again 
subscribed, 267. The result of John Knox s labours in the South, 267. 
The Abbot of Crossraguel and Knox, 268. The revolt of the Earl of 
Huntly, 268. Of the Earl of Huntly, 269. The Queen s relations with 
the Earl of Moray, 269. Rumours concerning the Queen s marriage, 270. 
The Queen and Earl Both well, 270. The preachers admonish the courtiers, 
270. The General Assembly : 25th December 1562, 271. The Protestants 
deal with idolaters and the Mass, 272. Queen Mary and John Knox at 
Lochleven, 273. John Knox writes to the Earl of Argyll, 276. The 
Massmongers are tried : igfh May 1563, 276. Parliament of May 1563, 
277. Queen Mary s influence: "Vox Dianae," 277. Reformation is 
hindered by personal interests, 278. John Knox breaks with the Earl 
of Moray, 278. Inept legislation, 279. John Knox preaches a faithful 
sermon to the Lords, 279. Papists and Protestants take offence : Knox 
is summoned by the Queen, 281. Lethington s return : his worldly 
wisdom displayed, 284. The Queen retains observance of the Mass, 285. 
The death of Lord John of Coldingham, 285. Massmongers at Holyrood 
take fright, 286. The Papists devise mischief, 287. John Knox s letter 
to the brethren: 8th October 1563, 287. He is betrayed, 289. He is 
accused of high treason, 290. The Lord Advocate gives his opinion, 291. 
The Earl of Moray and Secretary Lethington reason with John Knox, 292. 
Knox is brought before the Queen and Privy Council, 293. He is tried 
for high treason, 293. The verdict of the Privy Council, 299. The 
displeasure of the Queen, 300. The General Assembly : December 1563, 

301. John Knox demands the judgment of his brethren, 301. His 
acquittal by the General Assembly, 302. Signs of God s displeasure, 

302. Lavish entertainments at Court, 303. The Queen s broken 
promises, 303. Secretary Lethington defies the servants of God, 304. 
The courtiers and the Kirk, 304. The courtiers rouse John Knox : he 
preaches concerning idolatry, 305. The General Assembly : June 1564, 
306. The Protestant courtiers maintain an independent position, 307. 
Secretary Lethington defines the attitude of the lords of the Court, 308. 
The disputation between John Knox and the Secretary, 309. 




The Preface . 34 1 
I. Of God 

II. Of the Creation of Man - 343 

III. Of Original Sin 343 

IV. Of the Revelation of the Promise 343 
V. The Continuance, Increase, and Preservation of the Kirk . 344 

VI. Of the Incarnation of Christ Jesus - 345 

VII. Why it behoved the Mediator to be very God and very Man 345 

VIII. Election . 345 

IX. Christ s Death, Tassion, Buria/, etc. . - 34^ 

X. Resurrection . -347 

XI. Ascension . -347 

XII. Faith in the Holy Ghost. - 34^ 

XIII. The cause of Good Works - 349 

XIV. What Works are reputed good before God 35 

XV. The Perfection of the Law and Imperfection of Man . 351 

XVI. Of the Kirk . - 35 2 

XVII. The Immortality of the Souls . -353 

XVIII. Of the notes by which the True Kirk is discerned from the 

false, and who shall be judge of the doctrine . -353 

XIX. The Authority of the Scriptures . - 355 
XX. Of Genera! Councils, of their Power, Authority, and 

Causes of their Convention . -355 

XXL Of the Sacraments . - 35 6 

XXII. Of the right Administration of the Sacraments . . 358 

XXIII. To whom Sacraments Appertain - 3 6 

XXIV. Of the Civil Magistrate . - 3 6 
XXV. The Gifts freely given to the Kirk . 3 6j 


I. Qf Doctrine ... 3 6 3 

II. Of Sacraments . . 3 6 4 

III. Touching the Abolition of Idolatry 3 6 ^ 

IV. Concerning Ministers and their Lawful Election . . 366 



V. Concerning Provision for the Ministers, and for Distri 
bution of the Rents and Possessions justly appertaining 
to the Kirk . . . . . . 372 

VI. Of the Superintendents . . . . -376 

VII. Of Schools and Universities . . . .382 

VIII. Of the Rents and Patrimony of the Kirk . 391 

IX. Of Ecclesiastical Discipline . . . -395 

X. Touching the Election of Elders and Deacons, etc. . 401 

XI. Concerning the Policy of the Church . . . 404 

XII. For Preaching and Interpretation of Scriptures, etc. . 408 

XII J. Of Marriage . . . . .411 

XIV. Of Burial . . . . . .414 

For Reparation of Churches . . .416 

For Punishment of those that profane the Sacraments and 
do contemn the Word of God, and dare presume to 
minister them, not being thereto lawfully called . 416 

The Conclusion . . . . . .419 

INDEX . . , , . . . 427 




IN the Records of Glasgow, mention is found of one 
Perlecu- that, in the year of God 1422, was burnt for heresy. 

His name is not given, and of his opinions or of the 
order upon which he was condemned there is no evidence left. 
But our Chronicles make mention that, in the days of King 
James the First, about the year of God 1431, there was appre 
hended in the University of St. Andrews one named Paul Craw, 
a Bohemian, who was accused of heresy before such as then were 
called Doctors of Theology. The principal accusation against 
him was that, in his opinion of the Sacrament, he followed John 
Huss and Wycliffe, who denied that the substance of bread and 
wine were changed by virtue of any words, or that confession 
should be made to priests, or prayers made to saints departed. 
Paul Craw ^ 0( * ave unto ^ e sai d Paul Craw grace to 
A.D. 1431. res i s t his persecutors, and not to consent to their 
impiety, and he was committed to the secular judge (for our 
bishops follow Pilate, who both did condemn, and also washed 
his hands) who condemned him to the fire. Therein he was 

1 " The First Bool: of the History of the Reformation of Religion within the 
Realm of Scotland. Containing the Manner and by what Persons the Light 
of Christ s Evangel hath been manifested unto this Realm, after that horrible 
and universal Defection from the Truth, which has come by the means of that 
Roman Antichrist." 


2 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

consumed at St. Andrews, about the time mentioned. To 
declare themselves to be of the generation of Satan, who from 
the beginning hath been enemy to the truth and desireth the 
same to be hid from the knowledge of men, they put a ball 
of brass in his mouth, to the end that he should not give 
confession of his faith to the people, nor yet that they should 
understand the defence which he had against his unjust 
accusation and condemnation. 

These practices did not greatly advance the 
Lofiards kingdom of darkness, nor were they able utterly to 
i4 9 ^ yle: extinguish the truth. In the days of King James 

the Second and King James the Third we find small 
question of religion moved within this Realm, but in the time 
of King James the Fourth, in the year of God 1494, thirty 
persons were summoned before the King and his Great 
Council, by Eobert Blackader, called Archbishop of Glasgow. 
Some of these dwelt in Kyle-Stewart, some in King s-Kyle, 
and some in Cunningham. Amongst them were George 
Campbell of Cessnock, Adam Eeid of Barskymming, John 
Campbell of New Mills, Andrew Shaw of Polkemmet, Helen 
Chalmers, Lady Polkellie, and Marion Chalmers, Lady Stair. 

These were called the Lollards of Kyle. In the 
the er Register of Glasgow we find the Articles of Belief for 
Kyie were which they were accused. These were as follows : 

(1) Images are not to be possessed, nor yet to be 
worshipped. (2) Relics of Saints are not to be worshipped. 
(3) Laws and Ordinances of men vary from time to time, and 
so do those of the Pope. (4) It is not lawful to fight, or to 
defend the faith. (We translate according to the barbarous- 
ness of their Latin and dictament. 1 ) (5) Christ gave power 
to Peter only, and not to his successors, to bind and loose 
within the Kirk. (6) Christ ordained no priests to con 
secrate. (7) After the consecration in the Mass, there 
remains bread ; and the natural body of Christ is not there. 
(8) Tithes ought not to be given to Ecclesiastical Men as 
they were then called. (9) Christ at His coming took away 
power from Kings to judge. (This article we doubt not to 

1 Phraseology. 


be the venomous accusation of the enemies, whose practice 
has ever been to make the doctrine of Jesus Christ suspect 
to Kings and rulers, as if God thereby would depose them 
from their royal seats, while, on the contrary, nothing 
confirms the power of magistrates more than does God s 
Word. But to the Articles.) (10) Every faithful man or 
woman is a priest. (11) The anointing of kings ceased at 
the coming of Christ. (12) The Pope is not the successor of 
Peter except where Christ said, " Go behind me, Satan." 
(13) The Pope deceiveth the people by his bulls and his 
indulgences. (14) The Mass profiteth not the souls that are 
in purgatory. (15) The Pope and the bishops deceive the 
people by their pardons. (16) Indulgences to light against 
the Saracens ought not to be granted. (17) The Pope exalts 
himself against God and above God. (18) The Pope cannot 
remit the pains of purgatory. (19) The blessings of the 
bishops of dumb dogs they should have been styled are of 
no value. (20) The excommunication of the Kirk is not to 
be feared. (21) In no case is it lawful to swear. (22) Priests 
may have wives, according to the constitution of the law. 
(23) True Christians receive the body of Jesus Christ every 
day. (24) After matrimony is contracted, the Kirk may make 
no divorce. (25) Excommunication binds not. (26) The 
Pope forgives not sins, but only God. (27) Faith should not 
be given to miracles. (28) We should not pray to the glorious 
Virgin Mary, but to God only. (29) We are no more bound 
to pray in the kirk than in other places. (30) We are not 
bound to believe all that the Doctors of the Kirk have written. 

(31) Such as worship the sacrament of the Kirk we sup 
pose they meant the sacrament of the altar commit idolatry. 

(32) The Pope is the.head of the Kirk of Antichrist. (33) The 
Pope and his ministers are murderers. (34) They which are 
called principals in the Church are thieves and robbers. 

Albeit that the accusation of the Archbishop and his 
accomplices was very grievous, God so assisted his servants, 
partly by inclining the King s heart to gentleness (for divers 
of them were his great familiars), and partly by giving bold 
and godly answers to their accusators, that the enemies 

4 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

in the end were frustrated in their purpose. When the 
Archbishop, in mockery, said to Adam Eeid of Barskymming, 
"Reid, believe ye that God is in heaven?" He answered, 
" Not as I do the Sacraments seven." Thereat the Archbishop, 
thinking to have triumphed, said, " Sir, lo, he denies that God 
is in heaven." The King, wondering, said, " Adam Eeid, what 
say ye ? " The other answered, " Please your Grace to hear 
the end betwixt the churl and me." Therewith he turned 
to the Archbishop and said, " 1 neither think nor believe, as 
thou thinkest, that God is in heaven ; but I am most assured 
that He is not only in heaven, but also on earth. Thou and 
thy faction declare by your works that either ye think there 
is no God at all, or else that He is so shut up in heaven that 
He regards not what is done on earth. If thou didst firmly 
believe that God was in heaven, thou shouldst not make 
thyself cheek-mate l to the King, and altogether forget the 
charge that Jesus Christ the Son of God gave to His Apostles. 
That was, to preach His Evangel, and not to play the proud 
prelates, as all the rabble of you do this day. And now, Sir," 
said he to the King, "judge ye whether the Bishop or I believe 
best that God is in heaven." While the Archbishop and his 
band could not well revenge themselves, and while many taunts 
were given them in their teeth, the King, willing to put an 
end to further reasoning, said to the said Adam Eeid, " Wilt 
thou burn thy bill ? " He answered, " Sir, the Bishop and ye 
will." With these and the like scoffs the Archbishop and his 
band were so dashed out of countenance that the greatest part 
of the accusation was turned to laughter. 

After that diet, we find almost no question for 
matters of religion, for the space of nigh thirty 

years. For not long after, to wit, in the year of God 
1508, the said Archbishop Blackader departed this life, w r hile 
journeying in his superstitious devotion to Jerusalem. Unto 
him succeeded Mr. James Beaton, son to the Laird of Balfonr. 

1 Familiar. 

2 The form of burning one s bill, on recanting, was this, the person accused 
was to bring a faggot of dry sticks, and burn it publicly, by which ceremony 
he signified that he destroyed that which should have been the instrument of 
his death. Keith, 


in Fife. More careful for the world than he was to preach 
Christ, or yet to advance any religion, but for the fashion only, 
he sought the world, and it fled him not. At once he was 
Archbishop of St. Andrews, Abbot of Dunfermline, Arbroath, 
and Kilwinning, and Chancellor of Scotland. After the un 
happy field of Flodden, in which perished King James the 
Fourth, with the greater part of the nobility of the realm, 
the said Beaton with the rest of the prelates, had the 
whole regiment 1 of the realm. By reason thereof, he held 
and travailed to hold the truth of God in thraldom and 
bondage, until it pleased God of His great mercy, in the year 
of God 1527, to raise up His servant, Master Patrick Hamilton, 
at whom our history doth begin. Because men of fame and 
renown have in divers works written of his progeny, life, and 
erudition, we ornit all curious repetition. If any would know 
further of him than we write, we send them to Francis 
Lambert, John Firth, and to that notable work, lately set 
forth by John Foxe, Englishman, of the Lives and Deaths of 
Martyrs within this Isle, in this our age. 

This servant of God, the said Master Patrick, being 
Coming of i n hi 8 y 011 ^ 1 provided with reasonable honour and 
Helton, living ( ne was titular Abbot of Feme), as one hating 
the world and the vanity thereof, left Scotland, and 
passed to the schools in Germany ; for then the fame of the 
University of Wittenberg was greatly divulged in all countries. 
There, by God s providence, he became familiar with these 
lights and notable servants of Christ Jesus of that time, 
Martin Luther, Philip Melanchthon, and the said Francis 
Lambert, and he did so grow and advance in godly knowledge, 
joined with fervency and integrity of life, that he was in 
admiration with many. The zeal of God s glory did so eat 
him up, that he could of no long continuance remain abroad, 
but returned to his country, where the bright beams of the 
true light, which by God s grace was planted in his heart, 
began most abundantly to burst forth, as well in public as 
in secret. Besides his godly knowledge, he was well learned in 
philosophy. He abhorred sophistry, and would that the text 

1 Rule ; control. 

6 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

of Aristotle should have been better understood and more used 
in the schools than then it was : for sophistry had corrupted 
all, as well in divinity as in humanity. 

In short process of time, the fame of the said 
Uon S of U " Master Patrick s reasoning and doctrine troubled the 
Hamaton c ^ er &7 an( ^ came to the ears of Archbishop James 
Beaton. Being a conjured enemy to Jesus Christ, and 
one that long had had the whole regiment of this realm, he bare 
impatiently that any trouble should be made in that kingdom 
of darkness whereof, within this realm, he was the head. There 
fore, he so travailed with the said Master Patrick, that he got 
him to St. Andrews, where, after conference for divers days, 
he received his freedom and liberty. The said Archbishop 
and his bloody butchers, called Doctors, seemed to approve 
his doctrine, and to grant that many things craved reformation 
in the ecclesiastical regiment. Amongst the rest, there was 
one that secretly consented with Master Patrick almost in all 
things, Friar Alexander Campbell, a man of good wit and 
learning, but corrupted by the world, as after we will hear. 
When the bishops and the clergy had fully understood the 
mind and judgment of the said Master Patrick, fearing that 
by him their kingdom should be damaged, they travailed with 
the King, who then was young and altogether at their com 
mand, that he should pass in pilgrimage to St. Duthac in Eoss, 
to the end that no intercession should be made for the life of 
the innocent servant of God. He, suspecting no such cruelty 
as in their hearts was concluded, remained still, a lamb among 
the wolves, until he was intercepted in his chamber one night, 
and by the Archbishop s band was carried to the Castle. There 
he was kept that night ; and in the morning, produced in 
judgment, was condemned to die by fire for the testimony of 
God s truth. The Articles for which he suffered were but of 
pilgrimage, purgatory, prayer to saints and prayer for the 
dead, and such trifles ; albeit matters of greater importance 
had been in question, as his Treatise may witness. That the 
condemnation should have greater authority, the Archbishop 
and his doctors caused the same to be subscribed by all those 
of any estimation that were present, and, to make their number 


great, they took the subscriptions of children, if the) 7 were of 
the nobility ; for the Earl of Cassillis, being then but twelve or 
thirteen years of age, was compelled to subscribe to Master 
Patrick s death, as he himself did confess. 

Immediately after dinner, the fire was prepared 
SoinoY before the old College, and Master Patrick was led 
Hamaton ^ ^ ne place of execution. Men supposed that all was 
done but to give him a fright, and to have caused him 
to have recanted and become recreant to those bloody beasts. 
But God, for His own glory, for the comfort of His servant, 
and for manifestation of their beastly tyranny, had otherwise 
decreed. He so strengthened His faithful witness that neither 
the love of life nor yet the fear of that cruel death could move 
him a jot to swerve from the truth once professed. At the 
place of execution he gave to his servant, who had been 
chamber-child 1 to him for a long time, his gown, coat, bonnet, 
and such like garments, saying, " These will not profit in the 
fire ; they will profit thee. After this, thou canst receive no 
commodity from me, except the example of my death. That, 
I pray thee, bear in mind ; for, albeit it be bitter to the flesh 
and fearful before men, it is the entrance unto eternal life, 
which none shall possess who deny Christ Jesus before this 
wicked generation." 

The innocent servant of God being bound to the stake in 
the midst of some coals, some timber, and other matter 
appointed for the fire, a train of powder was made and set 
afire. This gave a glaise 2 to the blessed martyr of God, 
scrimpled 3 his left hand and that side of his face, but kindled 
neither the wood nor yet the coals. And so remained he in 
torment, until men ran to the Castle again for more powder, 
and for wood more able to take fire. When at last this was 
kindled, with loud voice he cried, "Lord Jesus, receive my 
spirit ! How long shall darkness overwhelm this realm ? And 
how long wilt Thou suffer this tyranny of men ? " The fire 
was slow, and therefore was his torment the more. But most 
of all was he grieved by certain wicked men, amongst whom 
Campbell the Black Friar (of whom we spoke before) was 

1 Valet-de-cliambre. - Scorched. a Shrivelled. 

8 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

principal. These continually cried, " Convert, heretic ; call 
upon our Lady : say Salve Begina" etc. To them he answered, 
" Depart, and trouble me not, ye messengers of Satan." But, 
while the foresaid Friar still roared one thing with great 
vehemency, he said unto him, "Wicked man, thou knowest 
the contrary, and the contrary to me thou hast confessed : I 
appeal thee before the tribunal seat of Jesus Christ ! " After 
these words, and others that could not well be understood or 
marked, both for the tumult and the vehemence of the fire, 
the witness of Jesus Christ got victory, after long suffering, 
on the last day of February in the year of God 1527. The 
said Friar departed this life within few days after, in what 
estate we refer to the manifestation of the general day. But 
it was plainly known that he died, in Glasgow, in a frenzy, 
and as one in despair. 

Question- When these cruel wolves had, as they supposed, 
ings arise. c l ean devoured the prey, they found themselves in 
worse case than they were before; for within St. Andrews, 
yea, almost within the whole realm, of those who heard of 
that deed, there was none found who began not to inquire, 
Wherefore was Master Patrick Hamilton burnt ? When his 
Articles were rehearsed, it was questioned whether such Articles 
were necessarily believed under pain of damnation. And so, 
within short space, many began to call in doubt that which 
before they held for a certain truth, in so much that the 
University of St. Andrews, and St. Leonard s College princi 
pally, by the labours of Master Gavin Logie, and the novices 
of the Abbey, by those of the Sub-Prior, began to smell 
somewhat of the truth, and to espy the vanity of the received 
superstition. Within a few years, both Black and Grey Friars 
began publicly to preach against the pride and idle life of 
bishops, and against the abuses of the whole ecclesiastical estate. 
Friar William Arth, in a sermon preached in 
William Dundee, spake somewhat more liberally against the 
speaks licentious lives of the bishops than they could well 
bear. He spake further against the abuse of cursing 
and of miracles. The Bishop of Brechin, having his placeboes x 

1 Parasites ; flatterers. 


and jackmen l in the town, buffeted the Friar, and called him 
heretic. The Friar, impatient of the injury received, passed to 
St. Andrews, and communicated the heads of his sermon to 
Master John Major, whose word then was held as an oracle in 
matters of religion. Being assured by him that such doctrine 
might well be defended, and that he would defend it, for it 
contained no heresy, there was a day appointed to the said 
Friar, to make repetition of the same sermon. Advertisement 
was given to all who were offended to be present. And so, in 
the parish kirk of St. Andrews, upon the day appointed, 
appeared the said Friar, and had amongst his auditors Master 
John Major, Master George Lockhart, the Abbot of Cambus- 
kenneth, and Master Patrick Hepburn, Prior of St. Andrews, 
with all the Doctors and Masters of the Universities. The 
theme of his sermon was, " Truth is the strongest of all things." 
Concerning cursing, the Friar said that, if it were 
of God s rightly used, it was the most fearful thing upon the 
face of the earth ; for it was the very separation of 
man from God; but that it should not be used rashly, and 
for every light cause, but only against open and incorrigible 
sinners. " But now," said he, " the avarice of priests, and the 
ignorance of their office, has caused it altogether to be vili 
pended 2 ; for the priest, whose duty and office it is to pray for 
the people, stands up on Sunday and cries, One has lost a 
spurtle. 3 There is a flail stolen from those beyond the burn. 4 
The goodwife of the other side of the gate has lost a horn 
spoon. God s malison and mine I give to them that know of 
this gear, and restore it not. " The people, he continued, 
mocked their cursing. After a sermon that he had made at 
Dunfermline, where gossips were drinking their Sunday penny, 
he, being dry, asked drink. " Yes, Father," said one of the 
gossips, " ye shall have drink ; but ye must first resolve a 
doubt which has arisen amongst us, to wit, What servant will 
serve a man best on least expense ? " " The good Angel," said I, 
" "who is man s keeper, does great service without expense." 
" Tush," said the gossip, " we mean not such high matters. We 

1 Armed followers. 2 Slighted ; undervalued. 

3 Porridge-stiek. 4 Brook. 

io BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

mean, " What honest man will do greatest service for least 
expense ? " " While I was musing," said the Friar, " what that 
should mean, he said, I see, Father, that the greatest clerks 
are not the wisest men. Know ye not how the bishops and 
their officials serve us husbandmen ? Will they not give us a 
letter of cursing for a plack, 1 to last for a year, to curse all that 
look over our dyke 2 ? That keeps our corn better than the 
sleeping boy, who demands three shillings of fee, a sark, 3 and 
a pair of shoes in the year. Therefore, if their cursing do 
anything, we hold that the bishops are the cheapest servants, 
in that behalf, that are within the realm. " 
False ^ s concernm g miracles, the Friar declared what 

Miracles, diligence the ancients took to try true miracles from 
false. " But now," said he, " the greediness of priests not only 
receives false miracles, but they even cherish and fee knaves 
on purpose, that their chapels may be the better renowned, 
and their offering be augmented. Thereupon are many chapels 
founded, as if our Lady were mightier, and as if she took more 
pleasure in one place than .in another. Of late days our Lady 
of Carsegreen has hopped from one green hillock to another ! 
Honest men of St. Andrews," said he, " if ye love your wives 
and your daughters, hold them at home, or else send them in 
honest company ; for, if ye knew what miracles were kythed 4 
there, ye would neither thank God nor our Lady." And thus 
he merrily taunted the trysts of whoredom and adultery used 
at such devotion. Another Article in his sermon was judged 
more hard ; for he alleged from the Common Law that the 
Civil Magistrate might correct the Churchmen, and for open 
vices deprive them of their benefices. 

Notwithstanding this kind of preaching, this Friar remained 
Papist in his heart. The rest of the Friars, fearing to lose the 
benediction of the bishops, to wit, their malt and their meal 
and their other appointed pension, caused the said Friar to fly 
to England, and there, for defence of the Pope and Papistry, 
he was cast into prison at King Harry s commandment. But 
so it pleaseth God to open up the mouth of Baalam s own 

1 A small cupper coin. - Wall. 

3 Shirt. 4 Showed ; practised. 


ass, to cry out against the vicious lives of the clergy of 
the age. 

Shortly after this, new consultation was taken that some 
should be burnt ; for men began to speak very freely. A 
merry gentleman named John Lindsay, familiar to Archbishop 
James Beaton, standing by when consultation was had, said, 
" My Lord, if ye burn any more, unless ye follow my counsel, 
ye will utterly destroy yourselves. If ye will burn them, let 
them be burnt in how 1 cellars ; for the reek 2 of Master Patrick 
Hamilton has infected as many as it blew upon." But, so 
fearful was it then to speak anything against priests, the least 
word spoken against them, albeit it was spoken in a man s 
sleep, was judged heresy. Eichard Carmichael, yet living in 
Fife, being young and a singer in the Chapel Eoyal of Stirling, 
happened in his sleep to say, " The Devil take away the priests, 
for they are a greedy pack." He was accused by Sir George 
Clapperton, Dean of the said Chapel, and was for this com 
pelled to burn his bill. 

God shortly after raised up stronger champions 
Alexander against the priests. Alexander Seton, a Black Friar, 
preaches ^ g 00 ^ learning and estimation, began to tax the 
Evangel, corrupt doctrine of the Papistry. For the space of a 
whole Lent he taught the commandments of God only, 
ever beating in the ears of his auditors that the law of God had 
not been truly taught for many years, men s traditions having 
obscured the purity of it. These were his accustomed pro 
positions. First: Christ Jesus is the end and perfection of 
the law. Second : There is no sin where God s law is not 
violated. And, third : To satisfy for sin lies not in man s 
power, but the remission thereof comes by unfeigned repent 
ance, and by faith apprehending God the Father, merciful in 
Christ Jesus, His Son. While oftentimes this Friar put his 
auditors in mind of these and the like heads, and made no 
mention of purgatory, pardons, pilgrimage, prayer to saints, or 
such trifles, the dumb doctors and the rest of that forsworn 
rabble began to suspect him. They said nothing publicly until 
Lent was ended, and he had gone to Dundee. Then, in his 

1 Underground. - Smoke. 

12 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

absence, one hired for that purpose openly damned the whole 
doctrine that he had taught. This coming to the ears of the 
said Friar Alexander, then in Dundee, he returned without 
delay to St. Andrews, caused immediately to jow l the bell, and 
to give signification that he would preach ; as he did indeed. 
In this sermon, more plainly than at any other time, he 
affirmed whatsoever in all his sermons he had taught during 
the whole Lent-tide ; adding that within Scotland there was 
no true bishop, if bishops were to be known by such notes 
and virtues as St. Paul requires in bishops. 

This delation 2 flew with wings to the Archbishop s 
Seton s ears. Without further delay, he sent for the said 
Friar Alexander, and began grievously to complain 
and sharply to accuse him for having spoken so slanderously 
of the dignity of the bishops, as to say that " it behoved a 
bishop to be a preacher, or else he was but a dumb dog, and 
fed not the flock, but fed his own belly." The man, being 
witty, and minded of his most assured defence, said, "My 
Lord, the reporters of such things are manifest liars." Thereat 
the Archbishop rejoiced, and said, "Your answer pleases me well : 
I never could think that ye would be so foolish as to affirm 
such things. Where are these knaves that have brought me 
this tale ? " These compearing 3 and affirming the same that 
they did before, he still replied that they were liars. Witnesses 
were multiplied, and men were brought to attention, and then he 
turned to the Archbishop and said, " My Lord, ye may see and 
consider what ears these asses have, who cannot discern betwixt 
Paul, Isaiah, Zechariah, Malachi, and Friar Alexander Seton. 
In very deed, my Lord, I said that Paul says, It behoveth a 
bishop to be a teacher. Isaiah saith, that they that feed not 
the flock are dumb dogs. And Zechariah saith, They are idle 
pastors/ I of my own head affirmed nothing, but I declared 
what the Spirit of God had before pronounced. If ye be not 
offended at Him, rny Lord, ye cannot justly be offended at me. 
And so, yet again, my Lord, I say that they are manifest liars 
that reported unto you that I said that ye and others that 
preach not are no bishops, but belly gods." 

1 Toll. - Accusation. 3 Presenting themselves. 


Albeit, the Archbishop was highly offended at the 
" sc ff an d bitter mock, as well as at the bold liberty 
Seton ^ k na k learned man ; yet durst he not hazard for that 
present to execute his malice conceived. Not only 
feared he the learning and bold spirit of the man, but also the 
favour that he had with the people, as well as with the Prince, 
King James the Fifth. With him he had good credit ; for 
he was at that time his confessor, and had exhorted him to 
the fear of God, to the meditation of God s law, and to purity 
of life. The Archbishop, with his complices, foreseeing what 
danger might come to their Estate, if such familiarity should 
continue betwixt the Prince and a man so learned and so 
repugnant to their affections, laboured to make the said Friar 
Alexander odious unto the King s Grace. With the assist 
ance of the Grey Friars, who by their hypocrisy deceived 
many, they readily found means to traduce the innocent as a 

This accusation was easily received and more easily believed 
by the carnal Prince, who was altogether given to the filthy 
lusts of the flesh, and abhorred all counsel repugnant thereto. 
He did remember what a terror the admonitions of the said 
Alexander were unto his corrupted conscience, and without 
resistance he subscribed to their accusation, affirming that he 
knew more than they did in that matter ; for he understood 
well enough that he smelled of the new doctrine, from such 
things as he had shewn to him under confession. Therefore, 
he promised that he should follow the counsel of the bishops 
in punishing him and all others of that sect. These things 
understood by the said Alexander, as well by information 
of his friends and familiars, as by the strange countenance 
of the King unto him, he provided the next way to avoid the 
fury of a blinded Prince. In his habit, he departed the realm, 
and, coming to Berwick, wrote back again to the King s Grace 
his complaint and admonition. . . . 

Persecu- After the death of that constant witness of Jesus 
tion flags. Christ, Master Patrick Hamilton, when God disclosed 
the wickedness of the wicked, as we have seen, there was one 
Forrest of Linlithgow taken. After long imprisonment in the 

I 4 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

Sea Tower of St. Andrews, this man was adjudged to the fire 
by the said Archbishop James Beaton and his doctors, for 
none other crime but because he had a New Testament in 
English. More of his story we have not, except that he 
died constant, and with great; patience, at St. Andrews. The 
iiame of persecution ceased after his death for the space of 
ten years or thereby. Not that these bloody beasts ceased by 
all means to suppress the light of God, and to trouble such as 
in any sort were suspected to abhor their corruption ; but 
because the realm was troubled with intestine and civil wars. 
In these, much blood was shed ; first, at Melrose, betwixt the 
Douglas and Buccleuch, on the eighteenth day of July, in the 
year of God 1526 ; next, at Linlithgow, betwixt the Hamiltons 
and the Earl of Lennox, where the said Earl, with many others, 
lost his life, on the thirteenth day of September in the same 
year; and last, betwixt the King himself and the said 
Douglases, whom he banished from the realm, and held in exile 
during the rest of his days. By reason of these, and of other 
troubles, the bishops and their bloody bands could not find 
the time so favourable unto them as they required, for 
executing their tyranny. 

In this mid time, the wisdom of God did provide 
Reforma- tliat Harry the Eighth, King of England, should 
England abolish from his realm the name and authority of the 
Pope of Borne, and suppress the Abbeys and other 
places of idolatry. This gave hope, in divers realms, that 
some godly reformation should have ensued therefrom. From 
this our country, divers learned men, and others that lived in 
fear of persecution, did repair to that realm. They found not 
such purity as they wished, and some of them sought other 
countries. But they escaped the tyranny of merciless men, 
and were reserved to better times, that they might fructify 
within His Church, in divers places and parts, and in divers 
vocations. Alexander Seton remained in England, and publicly, 
with great praise and comfort of many, taught the Evangel in 
all sincerity certain years. Albeit the craftiness of Winchester, 
and of others, circumvented the said Alexander, so as to cause 
him, at Paul s Cross, to affirm certain things repugnant to his 


former true doctrine ; there is no doubt but that, as God had 
powerfully reigned with him in all his life, in his death, which 
shortly after followed, he found the mercy of his God, where 
upon he ever exhorted all men to depend. 

Alexander Alesius, Master John Fyfe, and that 
Reformers famous man Dr. Macchabeus, 1 departed unto Germany, 
where by God s providence they were distributed to 
several places. Macdowell, for his singular prudence, besides 
his learning and godliness, \vas elected burgomaster in one 
of the Stadts. Alesius was appointed to the University of 
Leipsic ; and so was Master John Fyfe. There, for their honest 
behaviour and great erudition, they were held in admiration 
by all the godly. And in what honour, credit, and estimation, 
Dr. Macchabeus was with Christian King of Denmark, let 
Copenhagen and famous men of divers nations testify. Thus 
did God provide for His servants, and frustrate the expecta 
tion of these bloody beasts who, by the death of one in whom 
the light of God did clearly shine, intended to have suppressed 
Christ s truth for ever within this realm. But the contrary 
had God decreed ; for his death was, as we have said, the cause 
of awakening many from the deadly sleep of ignorance ; and 
so did Jesus Christ, the only true Light, shine unto many, 
from the away-taking of one. These notable men, Master John 
Fyfe only excepted, did never after comfort this country with 
their bodily presence ; but God made them fructify in His 
Church, and raised them up lights out of darkness, to the 
praise of His own mercy, and to the just condemnation of 
them that then ruled to wit, the King, Council, and nobility, 
yea, the whole people who suffered such notable personages, 
without crimes committed, to be unjustly persecuted, and so 
exiled. Others were afterwards treated in the same manner ; 
but of them we shall speak in their own places. 

As soon as the bishops got the opportunity which 
Persecu- faey cons tantly sought, they renewed the battle against 

revived: Jegus Q hrist> j n fche JQ ^ Qf G()d ^^ ^ foregaid 

leprous Archbishop caused to be summoned Sir 
William Kirk, Adam Deas, Henry Cairns, and John Stewart, 

1 Macalpine. 

16 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

indwellers of Leith, with divers others, such as Master William 
Johnstone, and Master Henry Henderson, schoolmaster of 
Edinburgh. Some of these compeared in the Abbey Kirk of 
Holyroodhouse and abjured, and publicly burned their bills : 
others compeared not, and were exiled. But two were brought 
to judgment, to wit, David Stratoun, a gentleman, and Master 
Norman Gourlay, a man of reasonable erudition. Of them we 
must shortly speak. 

In Master Norman appeared knowledge, albeit 
Stratoun joined with weakness. But in David Stratoun there 
Teh!? Fish. cou ^ only be espied, from the first, a hatred against 
the pride and avarice of the priests. The cause of his 
delation was as follows. He had made himself a fishing boat 
to go to sea, and the Bishop of Moray, then being Prior of 
St. Andrews, and his factors, urged for the teind thereof. His 
answer was that, if they would have teind of that which his 
servants won in the sea, it was but reason that they should 
come and receive it where he got the stock. 1 So, as was 
constantly affirmed, he caused his servants to cast every tenth 
fish into the sea again. Process of cursing was led against 
him, for non-payment of such teinds ; and when he contemned 
this, he was delated 2 to answer for heresy. It troubled him 
vehemently ; and he began to frequent the company of such 
as were godly ; for before he had been a very stubborn man, 
and one that despised all reading, chiefly of those things that 
were godly. Miraculously, as it were, he appeared to be 
changed ; for he delighted in nothing but in reading, albeit he 
himself could not read, and he became a vehement exhorter 
of all men to concord, to quietness, and to the contempt of the 
world. He frequented much the company of the Laird of Dun, 
whom God in those days had marvellously illuminated. 

One day, the present Laird of Lauriston, then 

version"} a young man, was reading to him from the New 

Testament, in a certain quiet spot in the fields. As 

God had appointed, he chanced to read these sentences of our 

Master, Jesus Christ : " He that denies Me before men, or is 

ashamed of Me in the midst of this wicked generation, I will 

1 The crop from which the teind was drawn, 2 Accused. 


deny him in the presence of My Father, and before His angels." 
At these words he suddenly, being as one ravished, platt l himself 
upon his knees. After extending both hands and visage fixedly 
to the heavens for a reasonable time, he burst forth in these 
words : " Lord, I have been wicked, and justly mayest Thou 
withdraw Thy grace from me. But, Lord, for Thy mercy s 
sake, let me never deny Thee or Thy truth, from fear of death 
or corporal pain." 

The issue declared that his prayer was not vain : 
for when he, with the foresaid Master Norman, was 

and* produced in judgment in the Abbey of Holyroodhouse, 
the King himself (all clad in red) being present, there 
was great labour to make the said David Stratoun recant, and 
burn his bill. But he, ever standing at his defence, alleging 
that he had not offended, in the end was adjudged unto the 
fire. When he perceived the danger, he asked grace of the 
King. This would the King willingly have granted unto him, 
but the bishops proudly answered that his hands were bound 
in that case, and that he had no grace to give to such as by 
their law were condemned. And so was David Stratoun, with 
the said Master Norman, after dinner, upon the twenty-seventh 
day of August, in the year of God 1534, led to a place beside 
the Eood of Greenside ; and there these two were both hanged 
and burned, according to the mercy of the papistical Kirk. 

This tyranny notwithstanding, the knowledge of 
G O( ! did wondrously increase within this realm, partly 
by reading, partly by brotherly conference, which in 
Beaton those dangerous days was used to the comfort of 
stand?ng. many ; but chiefly by merchants and mariners, who, 
frequenting other countries, heard the true doctrine 
affirmed, and the vanity of the papistical religion openly 
rebuked. Dundee and Leith were the principal centres of en 
lightenment, and there David Beaton, cruel Cardinal, made a 
very strait inquisition, divers being compelled to abjure and 
burn their bills, some in St. Andrews, and some at Edinburgh. 
About the same time, Captain John Borthwick was burnt in 
effigy, but by God s providence he himself escaped their fury. 

1 Threw. 

i8 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

This was done for a spectacle and triumph to Mary of Lorraine, 
lately arrived from France, as wife of James the Fifth, King 
of Scots. What plagues she brought with her, and how they 
yet continue, may be manifestly seen by such as are not blind. 
The rage of these bloody beasts proceeded so that 
formation the King s Court itself escaped not danger ; for in it 

in Court ,. , A , 

and divers were suspected, and some were accused. And 

yet ever did some light burst out in the midst of 
darkness ; for the truth of Christ Jesus entered even into the 
cloisters, as well of Friars, as of Monks and Canons. John 
Linn, a Grey Friar, left his hypocritical habit and the den of 
those murderers the Grey Friars. A Black Friar, called Friar 
Kyllour, set forth the history of Christ s Passion in the form 
of a play, which he both preached and practised openly in 
Stirling, the King himself being present, upon a Good Friday 
in the morning. In this, all things were so lovably expressed 
that the very simple people understood, and these confessed 
that, as the priests and obstinate Pharisees persuaded the 
people to refuse Christ Jesus, and caused Pilate to condemn 
Him, so did the bishops and men called religious blind the 
people, and persuade princes and judges to persecute such as 
professed the blessed Evangel of Christ Jesus. 

This plain speaking so inflamed the hearts of all 
that bare the beast s mark, that they did not cease their 
o d tothe rs machinations until the said Friar Kyllour, and with 
nmi Friar Beveridge, Sir Duncan Simson, Kobert 
Forrester, a gentleman, and Dean Thomas Forret, 
Canon Regular and Vicar of Dollar, a man of upright life, were 
all together cruelly murdered in one fire, on the last day of 
February, in the year of God 1538. This cruelty was used by 
the said Cardinal, the Chancellor, Archbishop of Glasgow, and 
the incestuous Bishop of Dunblane. 

After this cruelty was used in Edinburgh, upon 
the Castle Hill, two friars were apprehended in the 

an U d S Friar Diocese of Glasgow, to the effect that the rest of the 

bishops might show themselves no less fervent to 

suppress the light of God than was he of St. Andrews. The 

one was Jerome Russell, a Cordelier Friar, a young man of a 


meek nature, quick spirit, and good letters. The other was one 
Kennedy, who was not more than eighteen years of age, and 
was of excellent ingyne l in Scottish poesy. To assist the Arch 
bishop of Glasgow in that cruel judgment, or at least to cause 
him to dip his hands in the blood of the saints of God, there 
were sent Master John Lauder, Master Andrew Oliphant, and 
Friar Maltman, sergeants of Satan, apt for that purpose. The 
day appointed for their cruelty having come, the two poor 
saints of God were presented before these bloody butchers. 
Grievous were the crimes that were laid to their charge. 

At the first, Kennedy was faint, and gladly would have 
recanted. But, when a place of repentance was denied unto 
him, the Spirit of God, which is the Spirit of all comfort, 
began to work in him. The inward comfort began to burst 
forth, in visage as well as in tongue and word ; for his counten 
ance began to be cheerful. With a joyful voice he said, upon 
his knees, " Eternal God ! how wondrous is that love and 
mercy that Thou bearest unto mankind, and unto me the most 
caitiff and miserable wretch above all others ; for, even now, 
when I would have denied Thee, and Thy Son, our Lord Jesus 
Christ, my only Saviour, and so have casten myself into ever 
lasting damnation ; Thou, by Thine own hand, hast pulled me 
from the very bottom of hell, and makest me to feel that 
heavenly comfort which takes from me the ungodly fear 
wherewith before I was oppressed. Now I defy death ; do 
what ye please, I praise my God I am ready." 

The godly and learned Jerome, railed upon by those godless 
tyrants, answered, " This is your hour and that of the power 
of darkness : now sit ye as judges ; and we stand wrongfully 
accused, and more wrongfully to be condemned ; but the day 
shall come, when our innocency shall appear, and ye shall see 
your own blindness, to your everlasting confusion. Go forward, 
and fulfil the measure of your iniquity." 

When these servants of God thus behaved themselves, there 
arose a variance betwixt the Archbishop and the beasts that 
came from the Cardinal. The Archbishop said, " I think it better 
to spare these men, rather than to put them to death." Thereat 

1 Ingenuity ; genius. 

20 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

the idiot Doctors, offended, said, " What will ye do, my Lord ? 
Will ye condemn all that my Lord Cardinal and the other 
bishops and we have done ? If so ye do, ye show yourself 
enemy to the Kirk and us, and so we will repute you, be ye 
assured." At these words the faithless man, effrayed, 1 adjudged 
the innocents to die, according to the desire of the wicked. 

The meek and gentle Jerome Eussell comforted 
Friars are the other with many comfortable sentences, oft saying 
unto him, " Brother, fear not : more potent is He that 
is in us, than is he that is in the world. The pain that we 
shall suffer is short, and shall be light ; but our joy and con 
solation shall never end. Therefore, let us contend to enter in 
unto our Master and Saviour, by the strait way which He has 
trod before us. Death cannot destroy us ; for it is destroyed 
already by Him for whose sake we suffer." With these and 
the like comfortable sentences, they passed to the place of 
execution, and constantly triumphed over death and Satan, 
even in the midst of the flaming fire. 

The Thus did these cruel beasts intend nothing but 

Bigotry of murder in all quarters of this realm. For so far had 

James V. 

that blinded and most vicious man, the Prince, most 
vicious, we call him, for he neither spared man s wife nor 
maiden, no more after his marriage than he did before, so far, 
we say, had he given himself to obey the tyranny of those 
bloody beasts that he had made a solemn vow, that none 
should be spared that was suspected of heresy, yea, although 
it were his own son. He lacked not flatterers enough to press 
and push him forward in his fury. Many of his minions were 
pensioners to priests ; and among them, Oliver Sinclair, still 
surviving and an enemy to God, was the principal. 
God speaks ^^ c ^d not God cease to give to that blinded Prince 
totheKinff -documents 2 that some sudden plague was to fall upon 
him, if he did not repent his wicked life; and that his own 
mouth did confess. For, after Sir James Hamilton was be 
headed, justly or unjustly we dispute not, this vision came 
unto him, as he himself did declare to his familiars. The said 
Sir James appeared unto him, having in his hands a drawn 

1 Frightened ; afraid. 2 Warnings. 


sword. With this he struck both arms from the King, saying 
to him, " Take that, until thou receivest a final payment for all 
thy impiety." He showed this vision, with sorrowful coun 
tenance, on the morrow ; and shortly thereafter his two sons 
died, both within the space of twenty-four hours ; some say, 
within the space of six hours. In his own presence, George 
Steel, his greatest flatterer, and the greatest enemy to God 
that was in his Court, dropped off his horse, and died without 
word, on the same day that, in open audience of many, the 
said George had refused his portion of Christ s kingdom, if the 
prayers of the Virgin Mary should not bring him there. 

Men of good credit can yet report a terrible vision the said 
Prince saw, when lying in Linlithgow, on the night that Thomas 
Scott, Justice Clerk, died in Edinburgh. Affrighted at mid 
night, or after, he cried for torches, and raised all that lay in 
the Palace. He told that Thomas Scott was dead ; for he had 
been at him with a company of devils, and had said unto him 
these words, " woe to the day that ever I knew thee or thy 
service ; for, for serving thee against God, against His servants, 
and against justice, I am adjudged to endless torment." Of 
the terrible utterances of the said Thomas Scott before his 
death, men of all estates heard, and some that yet live can 
witness. His words were ever, " Justo Dei judicio condemnatus 
sum" \ that is, I am condemned by God s just judgment. He 
was most oppressed for the delation and false accusation of 
such as professed Christ s Evangel, as Master Thomas Marjori- 
banks and Master Hew Rigg, then advocates, did confess to 
Mr. Henry Balnaves. These came to him from the said 
Thomas Scott, as he and Mr. Thomas Bellenden were sitting 
in St. Giles s Kirk, and in the name of the said Thomas asked 
his forgiveness. 

None of these terrible fore warnings could either 

George c 

Buchanan: change or mollify the heart of the indurate, lecherous, 
and and avaricious tyrant : still did he proceed from im 
piety to impiety. In the midst of these admonitions 
he caused hands to be put on that notable man, Master George 
Buchanan, to whom, for his singular erudition and honest 
behaviour, was committed the charge of instructing some of 

22 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

his bastard children. But, by the merciful providence of God, 
Master George escaped the rage of those that sought his blood, 
albeit with great difficulty, and he remains alive to this day, 
in the year of God 1566, to the glory of God, to the great 
honour of his nation, and unto the comfort of those that 
delight in letters and virtue. That singular work of David s 
Psalms in Latin metre and poesy, besides many others, can 
witness the rare grace of God given to the man whom that 
tyrant, by instigation of the Grey Friars and of his other 
flatterers, would altogether have devoured, if God had not pro 
vided to his servant remedy by escape. 

This cruelty and persecution notwithstanding, these monsters 
and hypocrites the Grey Friars, day by day, came further into 
contempt ; for not only did the learned espy their abominable 
hypocrisy, but men, in whom no such grace or gifts were 
thought to have been, began plainly to paint the same forth to 
the people. . . . 

When God had given unto that indurate Prince sufficient 
documents that his rebellion against His blessed Evangel 
should not prosperously succeed, He raised war against him, 
as He did against obstinate Saul, and in this he miserably 
perished, as we shall hear. 

The occasion of the war was this. Harry the 
broken Eighth, King of England, had a great desire to have 
spoken with our King; and with that object he 
travailed long until he got a full promise made to his am 
bassador, Lord William Howard. The place of meeting was 
to be at York ; and the King of England kept the appointment 
with such solemnity and preparation as never, for such a pur 
pose, had been seen in England before. There was great 
bruit l of that journey, and some preparation was made for it 
in Scotland ; but in the end, by persuasion of the Cardinal 
Beaton and others of his faction, the journey was stayed, and 
the King s promise was falsified. Thereupon, sharp letters of 
reproach were sent unto the King, and also unto his Council. 
King Harry frustrated, returned to London ; and, after de 
claring his indignation, began to fortify with men his frontiers 
1 Talk (common), 


foment 1 Scotland. Sir Bobert Bowes, the Earl of Angus, and 
his brother, Sir George Douglas, were sent to the Borders. 
Upon what other trifling questions, as, for example, the De- 
bateable Land and such like, the war broke out, we omit to 
write. The principal occasion was the falsifying of the 
promise. Our King, perceiving that the war would rise, asked 
the prelates and kirkmen what support they would make to 
the sustaining of the same ; for rather he would yet satisfy the 
desire of his uncle than would he hazard war, when lie saw 
that his forces were not able to resist. The kirkmen promised 
mountains of gold, as Satan their father did to Christ Jesus 
if He would worship him. They would have gone to hell, 
rather than that he should have met with King Harry : for 
then, thought they, farewell our kingdom ; and, thought the 
Cardinal, farewell his credit and glory in France. In the 
end, they promised fifty thousand crowns a year, to be well 
paid, so long as the wars lasted ; and further, that their ser 
vants, and others that appertained unto them and were exempt 
from common service, should not the less serve in time of 

These vain promises lifted up in pride the heart of 
England 11 - ^ ne unhappy king : and so began the war. The realm 
Jen Rlg al " was c l uar tered, and men were laid in Jedburgh and 
Kelso. All men, fools we mean, bragged of victory ; and 
in very deed the beginning gave us a fair show. For at the first 
warden raid, which was made on St. Bartholomew s Day, in the 
year of God 1542, the Warden, Sir Eobert Bowes, his brother 
Bichard Bowes, Captain of Norham, Sir William Mowbray, 
knight, a bastard son of the Earl of Angus, and James Douglas 
of Parkhead, then rebels, with a great number of borderers, 
soldiers, and gentlemen, were taken. The Baid was termed 
Halden Big. The Earl of Angus, and Sir George his brother, 
did narrowly escape. Our papists and priests, proud of this 
victory, encouraged the King. There was nothing heard but, 
" All is ours. They are but heretics. If we be a thousand 
and they ten thousand, they dare not fight. France shall 
enter the one part, and we the other, and so shall England be 

1 Over against. 

24 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

conquered within a year." If any man was seen to smile at 
such vanity, he was no more than a traitor and a heretic. 
And yet, by these means, men had greater liberty than they 
had before, as concerning their conscience; for then ceased 
the persecution. 

The war continued until rnid September ; and then 
was sent down the old Duke of Norfolk, with such an 
army as for a hundred years before had not come into Scot 
land. The English were engaged in amassing their forces, and 
setting forward their preparations and munitions, which were 
exceeding great, until mid October, and after. Then they 
marched from Berwick and tended to the west, ever holding 
Tweed upon their one side, and never camping more than a 
mile from that river during the whole time they continued in 
Scotland, which was ten or twelve days. Day forays were run 
to Smailholm, Stitchel, and such places near about, but many 
snappers 1 they got. They burned some corn, besides that which 
the great host consumed, but they carried away small booty. 
The King assembled his force at Fala, for he had information 
that they had proposed to advance on Edinburgh. Taking the 
muster all at one hour, two days before Halloween, there were 
found with him eighteen thousand able men. Ten thousand 
men, with the Earl of Huntly and Lords Erskine, Seton and 
Home, were upon the borders, awaiting the English army. 
These were adjudged men enough to hazard battle, albeit the 
enemy were estimated at forty thousand. 

The L rd While the King lay at Fala, waiting for the guns 
plot and for information from the army, the Lords began 
the to remember how the King had been long abused by 

his flatterers, and principally by the pensioners of the 
priests. It was at once concluded that they would make some 
new remembrance of Lauder-bridge, to see if that would for a 
season somewhat help the state of the country. But the Lords 
amongst themselves could not agree upon the persons that 
deserved punishment. Every man favoured his friend, and 
the whole escaped ; and, besides, the purpose was disclosed to 
the King, and by him to the courtiers. After that, until they 

1 Stumbles. 


came to Edinburgh, the courtiers stood in no little fear ; but 
that was suddenly forgotten, as we shall hear. 

While time was thus protracted, the English army, 
English f r scarc ity f victuals, as was rumoured, retired over 
retSes Twee d by night, and so began to skaill. 1 The King, 
informed of this, desired the Lords and Barons to 
assist him to follow them into England. With one consent, 
answer was given that they would hazard life and whatsoever 
they had to defend his person and the realm ; but, as for 
invading England, neither had they so just title as they 
desired, nor could they be then able to do anything to the 
hurt of England, considering that they had now been long 
absent from their houses, their provisions were spent, their 
horses were wearied, and, greatest of all, the time of year did 
utterly forbid. This answer seemed to satisfy the King ; for 
in words he praised their prudent foresight and wise counsel. 
But the mint 2 made to his courtiers, and that bold repulse of 
his desires given to him in his own face, wounded his proud 
heart. Long had he governed as he himself chose, and he 
decreed a notable revenge. This, no doubt, he would not have 
failed to have executed had not God, by His own hand, cut 
the cords of his impiety. He returned to Edinburgh ; and the 
nobility, barons, gentlemen, and commons dispersed to their 
own habitations. This was on the second and third days of 

Without delay, at the Palace of Holyroodhouse, a 
Courtiers new Council was convened, a Council, we mean, of the 
Priests abusers of the King. There accusation was laid against 
against the most part of the nobility. Some were heretics, some 
s favourers of England, some friends to the Douglases, and 
so could there be none faithful to the King, in their opinion. 
The Cardinal and the priests cast faggots in the fire with all their 
force. Finding the King wholly given over to their devotion, 
they delivered unto him a scroll containing the names of such 
as they, in their inquisition, deemed heretics. For this was 
the order of justice kept by these holy fathers in damning 
innocent men. Whosoever would delate any one of heresy was 

1 Disperse. 2 Threat, 

26 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

heard ; no respect or consideration was taken as to what mind 
the delater bare to the person delated. Whosoever were pro 
duced as witnesses were admitted, however suspicious and 
infamous they were. If two or three had proven any point 
that by their law was holden heresy, the delated person was a 
heretic. There remained no more to be done but to fix a 
day for his condemnation, and for the execution of their 
corrupt sentence. The world may this day consider what 
man could be innocent where such judges were party. True 
it is that by false judgment and false witnesses innocents 
have been oppressed from the beginning. But never gat 
the Devil his freedom to shed innocent blood except in the 
kingdom of Antichrist, " that the innocent should die, and 
neither know accuser nor yet the witnesses that testified 
against him." But how shall the Antichrist be known, if he 
be not contrarious to God the Father and His Son, Christ 
Jesus, in law, life, and doctrine. But this we omit. 

The Cardinal and prelates had once before pre- 
Answer sen ted the same scroll unto the King, at the time of 
^Prince" n ^ s re t urn from the circumnavigation of the Isles. 
But then it was refused by the prudent and stout 
counsel of the Laird of Grange, who opened clearly to the King 
the practice l of the prelates, and the danger that might ensue. 
The King, being out of his passion, was tractable, and after 
consideration gave answer in the Palace of Holyroodhouse to 
the Cardinal and prelates, when they had uttered their malice 
and shown what profit might arise to the crown if he would 
follow their counsel. " Pack you, Jesuits ; get you to your 
charges, reform your own lives, and be not instruments of 
discord betwixt my nobility and me ; or else, I avow to God, I 
shall reform you, not by imprisonment, as the King of Denmark 
does,. nor yet by hanging and heading, as the King of England 
does, but I shall reform you by sharp whingers 2 if ever I 
hear such motion of you again." The prelates, dashed and 
astonished by this answer, had ceased for a season to attempt, 
by rigour against the nobility, to pursue their schemes any 

1 Intrigues. - Hangers (small swords). 


But now, being informed of all proceedings by their 
Moss* y pensioners, Oliver Sinclair, Eoss, Laird of Craigie, and 
began others who were faithful to them in all things, they 
concluded to hazard once again their former suit. 
This was no sooner proposed than it was accepted, with no 
small regret made by the King s own mouth that he had so 
long despised their counsel ; " For," said he, " now I plainly see 
your words to be true. The nobility desire neither my honour 
nor continuance ; they would not ride a mile for my pleasure 
to follow my enemies. Will ye therefore find me the means 
whereby I may have a raid made into England, without their 
knowledge and consent a raid that may be known as my own 
raid and I shall bind me to your counsel for ever." There 
concurred together Ahab and his false prophets ; there were 
congratulations and clapping of hands ; there were promises of 
diligence, closeness, and felicity. 

Finally, conclusion was taken that the west border of 
England, which was most empty of men and garrisons, should 
be invaded ; the King s own banner should be there ; Oliver, 
the great minion, should be general lieutenant; but no man 
should be privy of the enterprise, except the council that was 
then present, until the very day and execution thereof. The 
Bishops gladly took the charge of that raid. Letters were sent 
to such as they would charge to meet the King, on a day and at 
a place appointed. The Cardinal was directed to go with the 
Earl of Arran to Haddington, to make a show against the east 
border, when the others were in readiness to invade the west. 
And thus neither counsel, practice, closeness, nor diligence 
lacked to set forward that enterprise. And, among these 
consulters, there was no doubt of a good success. So was 
the scroll thankfully received by the King himself, and put 
into his own pocket, where it remained to the day of his 
death, and then was found. In it were contained the names 
of more than a hundred landed men, besides others of meaner 
degree. Amongst these, the Lord Hamilton himself, then 
second person of the realm, was delated. 

It was bruited that this raid was devised by the Lord 
Maxwell; but we have no certainty thereof. The night 

28 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

before the day appointed for the enterprise, the King was 
found at Lochmaben. To him came companies from all 
quarters, as they were appointed, no man knowing of another. 
No general proclamation had been made; all had been 
summoned by privy letters. Nor did the multitude know 
anything of the purpose until after midnight, when the 
trumpet blew, and all men were commanded to march for 
ward, and to follow the King, who was supposed to be with 
the host. Guides were appointed to conduct them towards 
England, and these did so both faithfully and closely. 

Upon the point of day, they approached to the enemies 
ground ; and passed the water without any great resistance 
made unto them. The foray went forward, fires rose, and 
herschip 1 might have been seen on every side. The unpre 
pared people were altogether amazed; for, bright day 
appearing, they saw an army of ten thousand men, and 
their corn and houses upon every side sending flames of 
fire unto the heaven. To them it was more than a wonder 
that such a multitude could have been assembled and con 
voyed, without knowledge thereof coming to their wardens. 
They looked not for support, and so at the first they utterly 
despaired. Yet began they to assemble together, ten in one 
company, twenty in another; and, as the fray proceeded, their 
troops increased, but to no number ; for Carlisle, fearing to 
have been assaulted, suffered no man to issue from the gates. 
Thus the greatest number that ever appeared or approached 
before the discomfiture, did not exceed three or four hundred 
men; and yet they made hot skirmishing, for, on their own 
ground, they were more expert in such feats. 

About ten o clock, when fires had been kindled and almost 
slokened 2 on every side, Oliver thought it time to show his glory. 
Incontinently, 3 the King s banner was displayed; Oliver was 
lifted up on spears upon men s shoulders, and there, with sound 
of trumpet, he was proclaimed general lieutenant, and all men 
were commanded to obey him, as the King s own person, 
under all highest pains. The Lord Maxwell, Warden, to whom 
properly appertained the regiment, in absence of the King, was 

1 Plundering. 2 Quenched. J Forthwith. 


present ; lie heard and saw all, but thought more than he spake. 
There were also present the Earls Glencairn and Cassillis, 
with the Lord Fleming, and many other Lords, Barons, and 
gentlemen of Lothian, Fife, Angus, and Mearns. 

In the meantime, the skirmishing grew hotter than 
at Soiway it had been before : shouts were heard on every side. 
Some Scotsmen were stricken down ; some, not know 
ing the ground, laired, 1 and lost their horses. Some English 
horses were of purpose let loose, to provoke greedy and 
imprudent men to prick at them : many did so, but found no 
advantage. While disorder arose more and more in the army, 
men cried in every ear, " My Lord Lieutenant, what will ye 
do ? " Charge was given that all men should alight and go 
to array; for they would fight it. Others cried, "Against 
whom will ye fight ? Yon men will fight none otherwise 
than ye see them do, if ye stand here until the morn." 
New purpose was taken that the footmen (they had with 
them certain bands of soldiers) should softly retire towards 
Scotland, and that the horsemen should take horse again, 
and follow in order. Great was the noise and confusion 
that was heard, while every man called his own slogan. 2 
The day was nearly spent, and that was the cause of the 
greatest fear. 

The Lord Maxwell, perceiving what would be the end of 
such beginnings, remained on foot with his friends, and, being 
admonished to take horse and provide for himself, answered, 
" Nay, I will here abide the chance that it shall please God to 
send me, rather than go home, and there be hanged." And 
so he remained on foot and was taken prisoner, while the 
multitude fled, to their greater shame. The enemy, perceiving 
the disorder, increased in courage. Before, they had shouted ; 
but then they struck. They threw spears and dagged 3 arrows 
where the companies were thickest. Some rencounters were 
made, but nothing availed. The soldiers cast from them their 
pikes, culverins, and other weapons of defence; the horse 
men left their spears; and, without judgment, all men lied. 
The tide was rising, and the water made great stop ; but the 

1 Stuck in the mire. 2 Battle-cry. 3 Shot. 

30 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

fear was such that happy was he that might get a tacker. 1 
Such as passed the water and escaped that danger, not 
well acquainted with the ground, fell into the Solway Moss. 
The entry to it was pleasing enough, but all that took that 
way, either tint 2 their horses or else themselves and horses 

To be short, a greater fear and discomfiture, without cause, 
has seldom been seen. It is said that, where the men were 
not sufficient to take the hands of prisoners, some ran to 
houses and surrendered themselves to women. Stout Oliver 
was taken, without stroke, fleeing manfully; and so was his 
glory (stinking and foolish pride we should call it) suddenly 
turned to confusion and shame. In that discomfiture were 
taken the two Earls foresaid, the Lords Fleming and Somerville, 
and many other barons and gentlemen, besides the great 
multitude of servants. 

Worldly men may think that all this came but by mis- 
order and fortune, as they term it ; but whosoever has the 
least spunk 3 of the knowledge of God, may as evidently see 
the work of His hand in this discomfiture, as ever was seen 
in any of the battles left to us on record by the Holy Ghost. 
For what more evident declaration have we that God fought 
against Benhadad, King of Aram, when he was discomfited 
at Samaria, than that which we have that God fought with 
His own arm against Scotland ? In the former discomfiture, 
two hundred and thirty persons in the skirmish, with seven 
thousand following them in the great battle, did put to flight 
the said Benhadad, with thirty kings in his company. But 
here, in this shameful discomfiture of Scotland, very few more 
than three hundred men, without knowledge of any back or 
battle to follow, did put to flight ten thousand men without 
resistance made. There did every man rencounter his marrow, 4 
until the two hundred slew such as matched them. Here, 
without slaughter, the multitude fled. There those of Samaria 
had the prophet of God to comfort, to instruct, and to promise 
victory unto them. England, in that pursuit, had nothing. 

1 Carrier. - Lost. 

3 Spark. Match. 


But God by His providence secretly wrought in these men 
that knew nothing of His working, nor yet of the causes 
thereof; no more than did the wall that fell upon the rest 
of Benhadad s army know what it did. Therefore, yet again 
we say that such as behold not in that sudden dejection the 
hand of God, fighting against pride for the freedom of His 
own little flock, unjustly persecuted, do willingly and malici 
ously obscure the glory of God. But the end was yet more 

The King waited upon news at Lochmaben, and 
fails on w when the certain knowledge of the discomfiture 
came to his ears he was stricken with a sudden fear 
and astonishment, so that scarcely could he speak, or hold 
purposed converse with any man. The night constrained him 
to remain where he was, and so he went to bed ; but he rose 
without rest or quiet sleep. His continual complaint was, 
" Oh, fled Oliver ! Is Oliver ta en ? Oh, fled Oliver ! " These 
words in his melancholy, and as if he were carried away in 
a trance, lie repeated from time to time, to the very hour of 
his death. Upon the morn, which was St. Katherine s Day, he 
returned to Edinburgh, as did the Cardinal from Haddington. 
But the one being ashamed of the other, the bruit of their 
communication came not to the ears of the public. The King 
made inventory of his poise, 1 and of all his jewels and other 
substance; and departed to Fife. Coming to Hallyards, he 
was humanely received by the Lady Grange, an ancient and 
godly matron : the Laird was absent. There were in his 
company only William Kirkaldy, now Laird of Grange, and 
some others that waited upon his chamber. At supper, the 
lady, perceiving him pensive, began to comfort him, and urged 
him to take the work of God in good part. " My portion of 
this world is short," he replied, " for I will not be with you 
fifteen days." His servants, repairing unto him, asked where 
he would have provision made for Yuletide, which then 
approached. He answered with a disdainful smirk, " I cannot 
tell : choose ye the place. But this I can tell you, ye will be 
masterless before Yule day, and the realm without a King." 

1 Secret hoard of money. 

32 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

Because of his displeasure, no man durst make contradiction 
unto him. After he had visited the Castle of Carny, per 
taining to the Earl of Crawford, where was the said Earl s 
daughter, one of his paramours, he returned to Falkland and 
took to bed. No sign of death appeared about him, but he 
constantly affirmed that, before such a day, he would be 

In the meantime the Queen was upon the point 
of Mary of her delivery in Linlithgow, and on the eighth day 
of December, in the year of God 1642, was delivered 
of Mary, that then was born, and now does reign for a plague 
to this realm, as the progress of her whole life to this day hath 
declared. The certainty that a daughter was born unto him 
coming to his ears, the King turned from such as spake with 
him, and said, " The devil go with it ! It will end as it began : 
it came from a woman ; and it will end in a woman." After 
that, he spake not many words that were sensible. But ever 
he harped upon his old song, " Eie, fled Oliver ! Is Oliver 
ta en? All is lost." 

In the meantime came the Cardinal, in the King s 


Death of great extremity, an apt comforter for a desperate 
man. He cried in his ear, " Take order, Sire, with 
your realm : who shall rule during the minority of your 
daughter ? Ye have known my service, what will ye have 
done ? Shall there not be four regents chosen, and shall not 
I be principal of them ? " Whatsoever the King answered, 
documents were taken that things should be as my Lord 
Cardinal thought expedient. As many affirm, a dead man s 
hand was made to subscribe a blank, that they might write 
above the signature what pleased them best. This finished, 
the Cardinal posted to the Queen. At the first sight of the 
Cardinal, she said, "Welcome, my Lord. Is not the King 
dead ? " Divers men are of divers opinions as to what 
moved her so to conjecture. Many whisper that of old his 
part was in the pot, and that the suspicion thereof caused 
him to be inhibited the Queen s company. Howsoever it 
may have been before, it is plain that, after the King s death, 
and during the Cardinal s life, whosoever might guide the 


Court, be got his secret business sped by that gracious lady, 
either by day or by night. Whether the tidings liked her 
or not, she mended with as great expedition of that daughter 
as ever she did before of any son she bare. The time of her 
purification was accomplished sooner than the Levitical law 
appoints: but she was no Jewess, and therefore in that she 
offended not. 

King James departed this life on the thirteenth day of 
December, in the year of God 1542, and on news thereof the 
hearts of men began to be disclosed. All men lamented that 
the realm was left without a male to succeed ; yet some 
rejoiced that such an enemy to God s truth was taken away. 
By some he was called a good poor-man s king; by others 
he was termed a murderer of the nobility, and one that 
had decreed their utter destruction. Some praised him for 
suppressing theft and oppression ; others dispraised him for 
the defiling of men s wives and of virgins. Men spake as 
affection led them. And yet none spake altogether beside 
the truth ; for all these things were in part so manifest that, 
as the virtues could not be denied, so could not the vices be 
cloaked by any craft. 

Throughout this realm the question of govern- 
Cardinai men t was universally moved. The Cardinal proclaimed 
Regency 16 ^ ne King s last will. Therein were nominated four 
Protectors or Eegents, of whom he himself was the 
first and principal, with him being joined the Earls Huntly, 
Argyll, and Moray. This was done on the Monday at the 
Market Cross of Edinburgh. But on the Monday following 
the whole Eegents had remission from their usurpation. 
By the stout and wise counsel of the Laird of Grange, the 
Earl of Arran, then second person to the Crown, caused 
assemble the nobility of the realm, and required the equity 
of their judgment in his just suit to be governor of this realm 
during the minority of her to whom he would succeed, in the 
event of her death without lawful succession. His friends 
convened, the nobility assembled, and the day of decision 
was appointed. The Cardinal and his faction opposed them 
selves to the government of one man, and especially to the 

34 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

regiment of any called Hamilton : " For who knows not," said 
the Cardinal, "that the Hamiltons are cruel murderers, 
oppressors of innocence, proud, avaricious, double, and false; 
and, finally, the pestilence in this commonwealth." Thereto 
the said Earl answered, " Defraud me not of my right, and 
call me what ye please. Whatsoever my friends have been, 
unto this day no man has had cause to complain upon me, 
nor am I minded to flatter any of my friends in their evil 
doing. By God s grace I shall be as forward to correct their 
enormities as any within the realm can reasonably require of 
me. And therefore, yet again, rny Lords, in God s name I 
crave that ye do me no wrong, nor defraud me of my just 
title, before ye have experience of my government." At these 
words, all that feared God or loved honesty were so moved 
that with one voice they cried, "That petition is most just, 
and unless we would act against God, justice, and equity, it 
cannot be denied." 

In despite of the Cardinal and his suborned faction, 
JfArfa^is tne Earl of Arran was declared Governor, and with 
& r egent med public proclamation so announced to the people. The 
King s Palace, treasure, jewels, garments, horse, and 
plate were delivered unto him by the officers that had the 
former charge ; and he was honoured, feared, and obeyed more 
heartily than ever any king was before, so long as he abode 
in God. Great favour was borne unto him, because it was 
bruited that he favoured God s Word ; and because it was 
well known that he was one appointed to have been per 
secuted, as the scroll, found in the King s pocket after his 
death, did witness. These two things, together with an 
opinion that men had of his simplicity, did, in the beginning, 
bow unto him the hearts of many who afterwards, with dolour 
of heart, were compelled to change their opinions. We omit 
a variety of matters, such as the order taken for keeping the 
young Queen; the provision for the mother; and the home- 
calling of the Douglases. These appertain to a universal 
history of the time. We seek only to follow the progress of 
religion, and of the matters that cannot be dissevered from 
the same. 


The Governor being established in government, 

Thomas . , , . ji iji- 

Williams godly men repaired unto him, and exhorted him to 
Rough " call to mind for what end God had exalted him ; out 
o? of what danger He had delivered him; and what 

rs expectation all men of honesty had of him. At their 
suit, more than of his own motion, Thomas Williams, a Black 
Friar, was called to be preacher. The man was of solid 
judgment, reasonable letters for that age, and of a prompt and 
good utterance: his doctrine was wholesome, without great 
vehemence against superstition. John Kough, who after, for 
the truth of Christ Jesus, suffered in England, in the days 
of Mary of cursed memory, preached also sometimes, not so 
learnedly, yet more simply, and more vehemently against all 
impiety. The doctrine of these two provoked against them 
and against the Governor the hatred of all that favoured 
darkness more than light, and their own bellies more than 
God. These slaves of Satan, the Grey Friars (and amongst 
the rest Friar Scott, who before had given himself forth for 
the greatest professor of Christ Jesus within Scotland, and 
under that colour had disclosed and so endangered many) 
croaked like ravens, yea, rather they yelled and roared like 
devils in hell, " Heresy ! heresy ! Williams and Eough will 
carry the Governor to the devil." 

The town of Edinburgh was, for the most part, 
?rowned> drowned in superstition: Edward Hope, young 
do ersti ~ William Adamson, Sibella Lindsay, Patrick Lindsay, 
Francis Aikman ; and in the Canongate, John Mackay, 
Eyngzean Brown, with a few others, had the bruit 1 of know 
ledge in those days. One Wilson, servant to the Bishop of 
Dunkeld, who neither knew the New Testament nor the Old, 
made a despiteful railing ballad against the preachers and 
against the Governor, and for this he narrowly escaped 
hanging. The Cardinal moved both heaven and hell to 
trouble the Governor and to stay the preaching ; but the 
battle was stoutly fought for a season. He was taken 
prisoner, and was confined first in Dalkeith, and after that 
in Seton. But, in the end, by means of bribes given to 

1 Repute. 

36 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

Lord Seton and to the old Laird of Lethington, he was 
restored to St. Andrews. Thence he wrought all mischief, 
as we shall afterwards hear. 

At the approach of Parliament before Easter, 
there began to be question of abolishing certain 

tures is lp tyrannical acts, formerly made at the instance of 
the prelates, for maintaining of their kingdom of 
darkness ; to wit, the Act " that under pain of heresy, no 
man should read any part of the Scriptures in the English 
tongue, nor yet any tractate or exposition of any place of 
Scripture." Such articles began to come into question, we 
say, and men began to inquire if it was not as lawful to men 
that understood no Latin to use the Word of their salvation 
in the tongue they understood, as it was for Latin men to 
have it in Latin, and for Greeks or Hebrews to have it in 
their tongues. It was answered that the first Kirk had 
forbidden all tongues but these three. But men demanded 
when that inhibition was given; and what Council had 
ordained that, considering that Chrysostom complained that 
the people used not the Psalms, and other holy books, in 
their own tongues ? If it be said that these were Greeks, 
and understood the Greek tongue, we answer that Christ 
Jesus commanded His Word to be preached to all nations. 
Now, if it ought to be preached to all nations, it must be 
preached in the tongue they understand. If it be lawful to 
preach it and to hear it preached in all tongues, why should 
it not be lawful to read it, and to hear it read in all tongues, 
to the end that the people may try the spirits, according to 
the commandment of the Apostle. 

Beaten with these and other reasons, it was admitted that 
the Word might be read in the vulgar tongue, provided that 
the translation were true. It was demanded, what could be 
reprehended in the translation used ? Much searching was 
made, but nothing could be found, except that " love," said 
they, was put in the place of " charity." When they were 
asked what difference was betwixt the one and the other, 
and whether they understood the nature of the Greek term 
Agape, they were dumb. The Lord Euthven, father to him 


that prudently gave counsel to take just punishment upon 
that knave Davie, 1 a stout and discreet man in the cause of 
God, and Mr. Henry Balnaves, an old professor, reasoned for 
the party of the seculars. For the Clergy, Hay, Dean of 
Eestalrig, and certain old bosses 2 with him. 

The conclusion was that the Commissioners of 
BibSPJs 1 Burghs and a part of the nobility required of the 
secured. p arliament fo^ ft m i g ht be enacted, " That it should 
be lawful to every man to use the benefit of the translation 
which then they had of the Bible and New Testament, together 
with the benefit of other tracts containing wholesome doctrine, 
until such time as the prelates and kirkmen should give and 
set forth unto them a translation more correct." The clergy 
hereto long repugned ; but, in the end, convicted by reason 
and by multitude of contrary votes, they also acquiesced. So, 
by Act of Parliament, it was made free to all men and women 
to read the Scriptures in their own tongue, or in the English 
tongue ; and all Acts of contrary effect were abolished. 

This was no small victory of Christ Jesus, fighting 
b2comes le against the conjured enemies of His truth ; no small 
S> s ie! n ~ comfort to such as before were so holden in bondage 
that they durst not have read the Lord s Prayer, the Ten 
Commandments, or the Articles of their faith in the English 
tongue, without being accused of heresy. Then might have 
been seen the Bible lying upon almost every gentleman s table. 
The New Testament was borne about in many men s hands. 
We grant that some, alas ! profaned that blessed Word ; for 
some that, perchance, had never read ten sentences in it had 
it most commonly in their hands. They would chop their 
familiars on the cheek with it, and say, "This has lain hid 
under my bed-foot these ten years." Others would glory, 
" Oh ! how often have I been in danger for this book. How 
secretly have I stolen from my wife at midnight to read upon 
it." Many did this to make court ; for all men esteemed the 
Governor the most fervent Protestant in Europe. Albeit 
many abused that liberty granted by God miraculously, the 
knowledge of God wondrously increased, and God gave His 

1 David Rizzio. 2 Worthless characters. 

38 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

Holy Spirit to simple men in great abundance. Then were 
set forth works in our own tongue, besides those that came 
from England, disclosing the pride, the craft, the tyranny, and 
the abuses of that Eoman Antichrist. 

Kin The fame of our Governor was spread in divers 

Harry countries, and many praised God for him. King 
t?othaf Harry sent unto him his Ambassador, Mr. Sadler, 
Queen and he lay in Edinburgh a great part of the summer. 
Prince His commission and negotiation was to contract a 

perpetual amity betwixt England and Scotland. God 
seemed to have offered the occasion, and to many men it 
appeared that from heaven He had declared His good pleasure 
in that proposal. For, to King Harry, Jane Seymour (after 
the death of Queen Katherine, and of all others that might 
have made his marriage suspect) had borne a son, Edward the 
Sixth of blessed memory, older some years than our Mistress, 
and unto us was left a Queen. This wonderful providence of 
God caused men of greatest judgment to enter into disputation 
with themselves, whether, with good conscience, any man 
might repugn to the desires of the King of England, con 
sidering that thereby all occasion of war might be cut off, and 
great commodity might ensue to his realm. The offers of 
King Harry were so large and his demands were so reasonable 
that all that loved quietness were content therewith. There 
were sent from the Parliament to King Harry, in commission, 
Sir William Hamilton, Sir James Learmonth, and Mr. Henry 
Balnaves. These remained long in England, and so travailed 
that all things concerning the marriage betwixt Edward the 
Sixth and Mary Queen of Scots were agreed upon, except the 
time of her deliverance to the custody of Englishmen. 

For the final conclusion of this head, William, 
tra?t C of n ~ Earl of Glencairn, and Sir George Douglas, were added 
i^adjlfsfed ^ ^ ne former commissioners, and to them were given 
ratified, ample commission and good instructions. Mr. Sadler 

remained in Scotland. Communications passed fre 
quently, yea, the hands of our Lords were liberally anointed. 
Other commodities were promised, and by some received ; 
for divers persons taken at Solway Moss were sent home, 



ransom free, upon promise of their fidelity, how this was 
kept, the issue will witness. In the end, all were well content 
(the Cardinal, the Queen, and the faction of France ever 
excepted), and solemnly, in the Abbey of Holyroodhouse, the 
contract of marriage betwixt the persons foresaid, together 
with all the clauses and conditions requisite for the faithful 
observation thereof, was read in public audience, subscribed, 
sealed, approved, and allowed by the Governor for his part, 
and the Nobility and Lords for their part. That nothing 
should lack that might fortify the matter, Christ s sacred body, 
as Papists term it, was broken betwixt the said Governor 
and Master Sadler, Ambassador, and received by them both 
as a sign and token of the unity of their minds, inviolably to 
keep that contract, in all points, as they looked to Christ 
Jesus to be saved, and to be reputed men worthy of credit 
before the world in after time. 

The Papists raged against the Governor and against 
Papists the Lords that consented, and abode sweir 1 at the 
contract. They made a brag that they would depose 
tne Governor, and confound all. Without delay, they 
raised their forces and came to Linlithgow, where 
the young Queen was kept. But, upon the return of the 
Ambassadors from England, pacification was made for that time. 
By the judgment of eight persons for either party, chosen to 
judge whether anything had been done by the Ambassadors, 
in contracting that marriage, for which they had not sufficient 
power from the Council and Parliament, it was found that 
all things had been done by them according to their com 
mission, and that these should stand. So the Seals of England 
and Scotland were interchanged. Master James Foulis, then 
Clerk of Eegister, received the Great Seal of England ; and 
Master Sadler received the Great Seal of Scotland. The heads 
of the contract we pass by. 

As soon as these things were ratified, the merchants made 
frack 2 to sail, and to resume the traffic which had for some 
years been hindered by the trouble of wars. From Edinburgh 
were freighted twelve ships richly laden with the wares of 

1 Unwilling. 2 Made bustling preparation. 

40 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

Scotland. Prom other towns and ports departed others. All 
arrived in Yarmouth ; and entered not only within roads, but 
also within ports and places where ships might be arrested. 
Because of the lately contracted amity and the gentle enter 
tainment that they received at first, they made no great 
expedition. Being, as they supposed, in security, they spent 
the time in merriness, abiding upon the wind. 

In the meantime there arrived from France 
Papists to Scotland the Abbot of Paisley, called bastard 
Tables 6 brother to the Governor, but by many esteemed 
son to Crichton, the old Bishop of Dunkeld, and 
with him Master David Panter, afterwards Bishop of Ross. 
The bruit of the learning and honest life of these two, 
and of their fervency and uprightness in religion, was such 
that there was great hope that their presence should have 
been comfortable to the Kirk of God. It was constantly 
affirmed that, without delay, the one and the other would 
occupy the pulpit, and truly preach Jesus Christ. Few days 
disclosed their hypocrisy. What terrors, what promises, or 
what enchanting boxes they brought from France, the common 
people knew not, but shortly after it was seen that Friar 
Williams was inhibited from preaching, and so departed to 
England. John Rough retired to Kyle, a receptacle of God s 
servants of old. 

The men of counsel, judgment, and godliness that had 
travailed to promote the Governor, and that gave him faithful 
counsel in all doubtful matters, were either craftily conveyed 
from him, or else, by threats of hanging, were compelled to 
leave him. Of the former number were the Laird of Grange, 
Master Henry Balnaves, Master Thomas Bellenden, and Sir 
David Lyndsay of the Mount; men by whose labours the 
Governor was promoted to honour, and by whose counsel he 
so used himself at the beginning that the obedience given to 
him was nothing inferior to that possessed by any king of 
Scotland for many years before. Yea, it did surmount the 
common obedience, in that it proceeded from love of those 
virtues that were supposed to have been in him. Of the 
number of those that were threatened were Master Michael 


Durham, Master David Borthwick, David Forrest, and David 
Bothwell. These had counselled the Governor to have in his 
company God-fearing men, and not to foster wicked men in 
their iniquity, albeit they were called his friends and were of 
his surname. When this counsel came to the ears of the fore- 
said Abbot and the Hamilton s, who then repaired to the Court 
as ravens to the carrion, it was said in plain words, " My 
Lord Governor and his friends will never be in quietness, until 
a dozen of these knaves that abuse his Grace be hanged." 

These words were spoken in his own presence, and in the 
presence of some of them that had better deserved than so 
to have been entreated. The speaker was allowed his bold 
and plain speaking, and the wicked counsel being tolerated, 
honest and godly men left the Court and the Governor in the 
hands of such as led him so far from God that he falsified his 
promise, dipped his hands in the blood of the saints of God, 
and brought this commonwealth to the very point of utter 
ruin. These were the first-fruits of the godliness and learning 
of the Abbot of Paisley : hereafter we will hear more. 

All honest and godly men once banished from the 
Ind the bot Court, the Abbot and his council began to lay before 
n e a xt dinal the inconstant Governor the dangers that might ensue 
theltegent tne alteration an d change of religion ; the power of the 
King of France ; and the commodity that might come to 
him and his house by retaining the ancient league with France. 
He was also called on to consider the great danger that he 
brought upon himself if, in any jot, he suffered the authority 
of the Pope to be violated or called in question within this 
realm ; for thereon alone stood the security of his right to the 
succession of the Crown of this realm. By God s Word, the 
divorcement of his father from Elizabeth Home, his first wife, 
would not be found lawful, his second marriage would be judged 
null, and he himself declared bastard. Caiaphas spake pro 
phecy, and wist not what he spake ; for at that time there 
were no men that truly feared God that minded any such 
thing. Witli their whole force they would have fortified the 
title that God had given unto him, and things done in time of 
darkness would never have been called in question. 

42 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

Another practice was used. The Cardinal, being now at 
liberty, ceased not to traffic with such of the nobility as he 
might draw to his faction or corrupt by any means, seeking 
thereby to raise a party against the said Governor, and against 
such as stood fast for the contract of marriage and peace with 
England. The said Cardinal, the Earls Argyll, Huntly, and 
Bothwell, and the bishops and their bands, assembled at 
Linlithgow : thereafter they passed to Stirling, and took with 
them both the Queens, the mother and the daughter, and 
threatened the deposition of the said Governor, as inobedient 
to their Holy Mother the Kirk, as they term the harlot of 
Babylon, Home. 

The inconstant man, not thoroughly grounded upon 
breaks gen God, was left destitute of all good counsel by his own 

Faith with , , 11-11 -IT 1-1 i 

England, default, and had the wicked ever blowing in his ears, 
receives " What will ye do ! Ye will destroy yourself and your 

Absolution., ,, -~ -i i j 1 

house for ever. Beaten with these temptations, the 
unhappy man surrendered himself to the appetites of the 
wicked. Quietly stealing away from the Lords that were with 
him in the Palace of Holyroodhouse, he passed to Stirling, 
subjected himself to the Cardinal and to his council, received 
absolution, renounced the profession of the holy Evangel of 
Christ Jesus, and violated the oath that he had made for 
observation of the contract and league with England. 

At that time our Queen was crowned, and new 

King Harry . . 

remon- promise was made to France. The certainty hereof 
without coming to King Harry, our Scottish ships were stayed, 
the sails taken from their rays, 1 and the merchants and 
mariners were commanded to sure custody. New commission 
was sent to Master Sadler, who still remained in Scotland, to 
demand the reason for that sudden alteration, and to travail 
by all means possible that the Governor might be called back 
to his former godly purpose, and that he would not do so 
foolishly and inhonestly, yea so cruelly and unmercifully, to 
the realm of Scotland. He was assured that he would not 
only lose the commodities offered and presently to be received, 
but that he would also expose Scotland to the hazard of fire 

1 Yards. 


and sword, and other inconveniences that might arise from 
the war that would follow upon the violation of his faith : 
but nothing could avail. The Devil kept fast the grip that 
he had got, yea, even all the days of his government. The 
Cardinal got his eldest son in pledge, and kept him in the 
Castle of St. Andrews until the day that God punished his 

King Harry, perceiving that all hope of the Gover- 
nor s repentance was lost, called back his ambassador, 
and that with fearful threatenings, as Edinburgh after 
wards felt. He proclaimed war, made our ships prizes, 
and our merchants and mariners lawful prisoners, and this alone 
was no small hardship to the burghs of Scotland. But the 
Cardinal and priests did laugh, and jestingly said, " When we 
shall conquer England, the merchants shall be recompensed." 
The summer and the harvest passed over without any notable 
thing. The Cardinal and Abbot of Paisley parted the prey 
betwixt them : the abused Governor bare the name only. 

In the beginning of the winter the Earl of Lennox 
of the Eari came to Scotland, sent from France in hatred of the 
* Governor, whom the King, by the Cardinal s advice, 
promised to pronounce bastard, and so make the said Earl 
( Governor. The Cardinal further put the Earl in vain hope that 
the Queen Dowager would marry him. He brought with him 
some money, and more he afterwards received from the hands 
of La Broche. But, at length, perceiving himself frustrated 
of all expectation that he had either from the King of France, 
or yet from the promise of the Cardinal, he concluded to seek 
the favour of England, and began to draw a faction against the 

In hatred of the other s inconstancy, many favoured him in 
the beginning. At Yule there assembled in the town of Ayr, 
the Earls of Angus, Glencairn, and Cassillis, the Lords Max 
well and Somerville, the Laird of Drumlanrig, and the Sheriff 
of Ayr, with all the force that they and the Lords that re 
mained constant to England might make. After Yule they 
came to Leith. The Governor and Cardinal, with their forces, 
kept Edinburgh, for they were slackly pursued. Men excused 

44 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

the Earl of Lennox in this matter, and laid the blame upon 
some that had no good will towards the regiment of the 
Stuarts. However it was, the said Earl of Lennox was dis 
appointed of his purpose, and narrowly escaped ; and first got 
himself to Glasgow, and after that to Dumbarton. Sir George 
Douglas was delivered to be kept as pledge. The Earl his 
brother was taken at the siege of Glasgow in the following Lent. 
It was bruited that both the brethren and others with them 
would have lost their heads if, by the providence of God, the 
English army had not arrived sooner. 

After the Cardinal had got the Governor wholly 
Beaton* 1 un der his control, and had obtained his desires con- 
cern i n g a part of his enemies, he began to practise 
^at suc h as ne feared and therefore hated should be 
set by the ears, one against another. In that, thought 
the carnal man, stood his greatest security. The Lord Euthven 
he hated, by reason of* his knowledge of God s Word: the 
Lord Gray he feared, because at that time he sought the com 
pany of such as professed godliness, and bare small favour to 
the Cardinal. Now the worldly-wise man reasoned thus : " If 
I can put enmity betwixt those two, I shall be quit of a great 
number of unfriends; for the most part of the country will 
either assist the one or the other; and, otherwise occupied, 
they will not watch for my displeasure." Without long pro 
cess, he found the necessary means ; for he laboured with John 
Charteris, a man of stout courage and many friends, to accept 
the provostship of Perth, which he purchased 1 to him by 
donation of the Governor, with a charge to the said town to 
obey him as their lawful provost. Thereat, not only the said 
Lord Euthven, but also the town was offended. These gave 
a negative answer, alleging that such intrusion of men into 
office was hurtful to their privilege and freedom. This granted 
unto them free election of their provost from year to year, at 
a certain time appointed, and this they could not or would not 
prevent. 2 

The said John, offended hereat, said that he would occupy 
that office by force, if they would not give it unto him of 

1 Procured. 2 Anticipate. 


benevolence ; and so departed, and communicated the matter 
with the Lord Gray, with Norman Leslie, and with other 
friends. These he easily persuaded to assist him in that pur 
suit, because he appeared to have the Governor s right, and 
had not only a charge to the town, but also had purchased 
letters empowering him to besiege it and to take it by strong 
hand, if any resistance were made unto him. These letters 
made many favour his action. The other party made for de 
fence, and the Master of Euthven (the Lord that afterwards 
departed to England) undertook the maintenance of the town, 
having in his company the Laird of Moncrieffe, and other 
neighbouring friends. 

The said John made frack for the pursuit ; and 
for th e lg upon the Magdalene s day, in the morning, anno 1543, 
ship V of " approached with his forces, the Lord Gray taking 
upon him the principal charge. Norman Leslie, with 
his friends, should have come by ship, with munition and 
ordnance, and they were in readiness. But because the tide 
served not soon, the other, thinking himself of sufficient force for 
all that were in the town, entered by the bridge. They found 
no resistance until the foremost were well within the Fish 
Gate, when the Master of Euthven, with his company, stoutly 
rencountered them, and so rudely repulsed them that such as 
were behind gave back. The place of the retreat was so strait, 
that men durst not fight, and could not flee at their pleasure, 
for Lord Gray and his friends were upon the bridge. The 
slaughter was great ; for there fell by the edge of the sword 
threescore men. The Cardinal had rather that the unhap had 
fallen on the other side ; but, howsoever it was, he thought 
that such trouble was for his comfort and advantage. The 
knowledge of this came unto the ears of the party that had 
received the discomfiture, and was unto them no small grief. 
Many of them had entered into that action for his pleasure, 
and thought they should have had his fortification and assist 
ance. Finding themselves frustrated, they began to look more 
narrowly to themselves, and did not so much attend upon the 
Cardinal s devotion, as they had been wont to do. Thus was a 
new jealousy engendered amongst them ; for whosoever would 

46 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

not play to him the good valet was reputed amongst his 

The Cardinal drew the Governor to Dundee ; for 
of the e y he understood that the Earl of Eothes and Master 
Henry Balnaves were with the Lord Gray in the 
Castle of Huntly. The Governor sent command to the said 
Earl and Lord, with the foresaid Master Henry, to come unto 
him to Dundee, and appointed the next day, at ten o clock 
forenoon. This hour they decreed to keep ; and for that 
purpose assembled their folks at Balgavie. They were more 
than three hundred men, and the Cardinal, informed of their 
number, thought it not good that they should join with the 
town, for he feared his own estate ; and so he persuaded the 
Governor to pass forth from Dundee before nine o clock, and 
to take the straight road to Perth. The Lords, perceiving this, 
began to fear that they were come to pursue them, and so put 
themselves in order and array, and marched forward of purpose 
to have bidden l the uttermost. 

The crafty fox, foreseeing that his security stood not in 
fighting, ran to his last refuge, that is, to manifest treason ; 
and consultation was taken as to how the force of the others 
might be broken. And at the first, the Laird of Grange and 
the Provost of St. Andrews, knowing nothing of treason, were 
sent to ask, " Why they molested my Lord Governor in his 
journey ? " Thereto they answered that " nothing was less 
their intention ; for they had come at his Grace s command 
ment, to keep the hour in Dundee appointed by him. When 
they saw this prevented, and knew the Cardinal to be their 
unfriend, they could not but suspect their coming forth of the 
town contrary to previous arrangement. They had therefore 
put themselves in order, not to invade, but to defend in case 
they were invaded." This answer being reported, there was sent 
to them the Archbishop of St. Andrews, Master David Panter, 
and the Lairds of Buccleuch and Coldinknowes, to desire certain 
of the other company to talk with them. This was easily 
obtained, for they suspected no treason. After long com 
munication, it was demanded whether the Earl and Lord and 

1 Abode. 


Master Henry foresaid would not be content to talk with the 
Governor, provided that the Cardinal and his company were 
off the ground ? They answered that the Governor might 
command them in all things lawful, but that they had no will 
to be at the Cardinal s mercy. Fair enough promises were 
made for their security. Then the Cardinal and his band were 
commanded to depart ; and, according to the purpose taken, 
he did so. 

The Governor remained, and another with him ; and, 
without company, the said Earl, Lord, and Master Henry came 
to him. After many fair words given unto them all, protesting 
that he would have them agreed with the Cardinal, and that 
he would have Master Henry Balnaves the worker and instru 
ment thereof, he drew them forward with him towards Perth, 
whither the Cardinal had ridden. When it was too late, 
they began to suspect, and desired to have returned to their 
folk. But it was answered, " They should send back from the 
town, but they must needs go forward with my Lord Governor." 
And so, partly by flattery and partly by force, they were com 
pelled to obey. As soon as ever they were within the town 
they were apprehended, and upon the morn all three were 
sent to Black Ness. There they remained so long as it pleased 
the Cardinal s graceless Grace, and that was until bond of 
manrent l and of service set some of them at liberty. Thus the 
Cardinal with his craft prevailed on every side; so that the 
Scots proverb was true in him, " So long runs the fox, as he 
foot has." 

We cannot affirm whether it was on this journey, 
secutioiT or at another date, that that bloody butcher executed 
his cruelty upon the innocent persons in Perth. 
Indeed, we do not study to be curious ; we travail to express 
the actual facts, rather than scrupulously and exactly to record 
day and date, although we do not omit these when we are 
certain of them. The truth in regard to the cruel deed at 
Perth is this. On St. Paul s Day, before the first burning in 
Edinburgh, the Governor and Cardinal came to Perth, and 
there, upon envious delation, a great number of honest men 

1 Vassalage. 

48 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

and women were called before the Cardinal, and accused of 
heresy. Albeit they could be convicted of nothing more than 
suspicion that they had eaten a goose upon Friday, four men 
were adjudged to be hanged, and a woman to be drowned ; and 
this cruel and most unjust sentence was unmercifully put into 
execution. The husband was hanged, and the wife, having a 
sucking babe upon her breast, was drowned. " Lord, the 
land is not yet purged from such beastly cruelty ; neither has 
Thy just vengeance yet stricken all that were criminal of their 
blood. But the day approaches when the punishment of that 
cruelty and of others will evidently appear." 

The names of the men that were hanged were James 
Hunter, William Lamb, William Anderson, and James 
Eonaldson, burgesses of Perth. At that same time there were 
banished Sir Henry Elder, John Elder, Walter Pyper, Lawrence 
Pullar, and divers others whose names have not come to our 
knowledge. That sworn enemy to Christ Jesus, and unto all 
in whom any spunk of true knowledge appeared, had divers 
persons in prison about that same time. Amongst these was 
John Eoger, a Black Friar godly, learned, and one that had 
fruitfully preached Christ Jesus, to the comfort of many in 
Angus and Mearns. Him that bloody man caused to be 
murdered in the ground of the Sea-Tower of St. Andrews, 
thereafter causing his body to be cast over the crag, sparsing l a 
false bruit that the said John, seeking to flee, had broken his 
own craig. 2 

Thus Satan ceased not, by all means, to maintain 
Sh e invaSe h* 8 kingdom of darkness, and to suppress the light of 
fnfslck Christ s Evangel. But potent is He against whom 
? n d d n Leit1i h tne 7 fought ; for, when the wicked were surest of their 
triumph, God began to show His anger. On the third 
day of May, in the year of God 1543, without knowledge of any 
of those in Scotland who should have had the care of the realm, 
there was seen a great fleet of ships approaching the Forth. 
Posts came to the Governor and Cardinal, who both were in 
Edinburgh, informing them of the multitude of ships seen, and 
of the course they took. This was upon the Saturday, before 

1 Spreading abroad. 2 Neck. 


noon. Some said there was no doubt they were Englishmen 
and would land. The Cardinal scripped x and said, " It is but 
the Island fleet : they are come to make a show, and put us in 
fear. I shall lodge in my eye all the men-of-war that shall 
land in Scotland." The Cardinal sat still at his dinner, as if 
there had been no apparent danger. Men ran together to 
gaze upon the ships, some to the Castle Hill, some to the Crags 
and other eminent places. But no one asked what forces we 
had for resistance, if we should be invaded. Soon after six 
o clock at night, more than two hundred sails were arrived and 
had cast anchor in the Eoad of Leith. Shortly thereafter, the 
Admiral shot a fleet boat, and this sounded the depth of water 
from Granton crags unto the east of Leith, and then returned 
to her ship. Men of judgment foresaw what this meant. But 
no credit was given to any that said, " They mind to land." And 
so everybody went to bed, as if these ships had been a guard 
for their defence. 

Upon the point of day, upon Sunday, the fourth of May, 
the fleet made ready for landing, and arranged their ships so 
that a galley or two laid their snouts to the crags. The small 
ships, called pinnaces and light horsemen, approached as near 
as they could. The great ships discharged their soldiers into 
the smaller vessels, and these, by boats, set upon dry land, 
before ten o clock, ten thousand men, as was judged, and more. 
The Governor and Cardinal, seeing then what they could not, 
or at least would not, believe before, after they had made a brag 
to fight, fled as fast as horse would carry them ; nor did they 
afterwards approach within twenty miles of the danger. The 
Earl of Angus and George Douglas were that night freed of 
ward in Black Ness, and the said Sir George in merriness said, 
" I thank King Harry and my gentle masters of England." 

The English army entered Leith betwixt twelve and one, 
found the tables covered, the dinners prepared, and abundance 
of wine and victuals, besides other substance. The like riches 
within the like bounds were not to be found, either in Scot 
land or England. Upon the Monday, the fifth of May, there 
came to them from Berwick and the Border, two thousand 

1 Mocked. 

5 o BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

horsemen; and, after these had rested somewhat, the army, 
upon the Wednesday, marched towards the town of Edin 
burgh, spoiled and burnt the same, and also the Palace of 
Holyroodhouse. The horsemen took the House of Craigmillar, 
and got great spoil therein ; for, it being judged the strongest 
house near the town, other than the Castle of Edinburgh, men 
sought to place their movables therein for safety. But the 
courageous Laird gave it over without shot of hackbut, and for 
his reward was caused to march upon foot to London. He is 
now captain of D unbar and Provost of Edinburgh. 

The Englishmen seeing no resistance, hurled l cannons up 
the causeway to the Butter-throne, or above, and hazarded a 
shot at the fore-entry of the Castle. But that was to their 
own discomfiture ; for, without trench or gabion, they were 
exposed to the force of the whole ordnance of the said Castle. 
This opened fire, and not all in vain ; for the wheel and axle- 
tree of one of the English cannons were broken, and some of 
their men were slain. So, with small honour, they left off that 
enterprise, which was taken in rashness rather than of any 
advised counsel. When for the most part of the day the 
English had spoiled and burned, they returned to Leith towards 
the night; upon the morrow returning to Edinburgh, and 
executing the rest of God s judgments for that time. When 
they had consumed both towns, they laded the ships with 
spoil thereof, and returned to Berwick by land, using the 
country for the most part at their own pleasure. 

This was a part of the punishment which God laid upon 
the realm for the infidelity of the Governor, and for the viola 
tion of his solemn oath. But this was not the end ; for the 
realm was divided into two factions : the one favoured France : 
the other the league lately contracted with England. In 
nothing did the one thoroughly trust the other. The country 
was in extreme calamity ; for divers strongholds, such as Car- 
laverock, Lochmaben, and Langholm, were delivered to the 
English. And the most part of the borders were confederate 
with England. Albeit Sir Ealph Evers and many other 
Englishmen were slain at Ancrum Moor, in February, in the 

1 Wheeled. 


year of God 1544, and in the year after some of the said 
strongholds were recovered, this was not accomplished without 
great loss and detriment to the commonwealth. 

In the month of June, in the year of God 1545, 
comes to f Monsieur de Lorge Montgomery, with bands of men 
Cardinal of war, came from France for a further destruction to 

Beaton. , 

Scotland ; and upon their brag was an army raised 
and pushed forward towards Wark, even in the midst of 
harvest. The Cardinal s banner was that day displayed, and 
all his dependents were charged to be under it. Many had 
promised to follow the standard, but in the issue it was left so 
bare that for shame it was shut up in the pock l again, and 
after a show the army returned, with more shame to the realm 
than scathe to their enemies. The black book of Hamilton 
makes mention of great vassalage 2 done at that time by the 
Governor and the French. But such as with their eyes saw 
the whole progress knew that to be a lie, and do repute it 
amongst the venial sins of that race, which is to speak the 
best of themselves they can. 

The following winter so nurtured the French men that 
they learned to eat, yea to beg, cakes which at their entry 
they scorned. Without jesting, they were so miserably treated, 
that few returned to France again with their lives. The 
Cardinal had then almost fortified the Castle of St. Andrews, 
and he made this so strong, in his opinion, that he regarded 
neither England nor France. The Earl of Lennox, as we have 
said, disappointed of all things in Scotland, passed to England, 
where he received protection from King Harry, who gave him 
Lady Margaret Douglas to wife. Of her was born Harry, 3 
uniquhile 4 husband to our Jezebel mistress. 

While the inconstant Governor was sometimes 
Hamilton, dejected and sometimes raised up again by the Abbot 
Parley / of Paisley, who before was called " chaster than any 
maiden," the latter began to show himself ; for, after 
he had by craft taken the Castles of Edinburgh and Dunbar, 
lie took also possession of his erne s r> wife, the Lady Stenhouse. 

1 Bag ; case. 2 Feats of valour. 3 Henry, Lord Darnley. 

4 Late ; deceased. 5 Kinsman s. 

52 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

The woman is and lias been famous, and is called Lady Gylton. 
Her Ladyship was holden always in property ; but how many 
wives and virgins he has had since that time in common, the 
world knows, albeit not all, and his bastard birds bear some 
witness. Such is the example of holiness that the flock may 
receive of the papistical bishops. 

In the midst of all the calamities that came upon 

George the realm after the defection of the Governor from 
comes a to Christ Jesus, there came to Scotland, in the year of 
God 1544, that blessed martyr of God, Master George 
Wishart, in company of the commissioners before mentioned. 
A man of such graces was never before him heard of within 
this realm ; yea, and such graces are yet rarely found in any 
man, notwithstanding the great light of God that since his 
days has shined upon us. He was not only singularly learned, 
as well in godly knowledge as in all honest human science, but 
he was also so clearly illuminated with the spirit of prophecy 
that he saw not only things pertaining to himself, but also 
such things as some towns and the whole realm afterwards felt. 
These he forespake, not in secret, but in the audience of many, 
as in their own places shall be declared. 

He . s He began teaching in Montrose. Thence he went 

driven from to Dundee, where, with great admiration of all that 


heard him, he taught the Epistle to the Romans, 
until, by procurement of the Cardinal, Eobert Mill, then one 
of the principal men in Dundee, and a man that of old had 
professed knowledge and for the same had suffered trouble, 
did, in the Queen s and Governor s name, give inhibition to the 
said Master George that he should trouble their town no more ; 
for they would not suffer it. This was said unto him in the 
public place. After musing for some time, with his eyes bent 
to heaven, he looked sorrowfully to the speaker and to the 
people, and said, " God is witness that I never minded your 
trouble but your comfort. Yea, your trouble is more dolorous 
unto me, than it is unto yourselves. But I am assured that 
the refusal of God s Word and the chasing from you of His 
messenger shall not preserve you from trouble ; it shall bring 
you into it. God shall send unto you messengers who will not 


be afraid of horning, 1 nor yet of banishment. 1 have offered 
unto you the Word of salvation, and at the hazard of my life I 
have remained amongst you. Now ye yourselves refuse me, and 
therefore must I leave my innocency to be declared by my God. 
If it be long prosperous with you, I am not led by the Spirit of 
truth. But if trouble unlocked for apprehend you, do ye acknow 
ledge the cause, and turn to God, for He is merciful. If ye turn 
not at the first, He shall visit you with fire and sword." These 
words pronounced, he came down from the preaching place. 

The Lord Marischall and divers gentlemen were 
present in the kirk, and these would have had the said 
Master George remain, or else have gone with him into 
the country. But for no request would he any longer 
tarry, either in the town or on that side of Tay. With all possible 
expedition he passed to the west-land, where he began to offer 
God s Word. This was gladly received by many, until Dunbar, 
Archbishop of Glasgow, by instigation of the Cardinal, came 
with his gatherings to the town of Ayr, to make resistance to 
the said Master George, and did first occupy the kirk. The Earl 
of Glencairn being informed of this, repaired with diligence to 
the town with his friends, and so did divers gentlemen of Kyle 
(amongst whom was the Laird of Leifnorris, a man far different 
from him that now liveth, in manners and religion) of whom 
to this day many yet live, and have declared themselves always 
zealous and bold in the cause of God. When all were assembled, 
conclusion was taken that they would have possession of the 
kirk. But Master George utterly repugned, saying, " Let him 
alone ; his sermon will not do much hurt. Let us go to the 
Market Cross." This they did, and there lie made so notable 
a sermon that the very enemies themselves were confounded. 
The Archbishop preached to his jackmen and some old bosses 
of the town. The sum of all his sermon was : " They say that 
we should preach : why not ? Better late thrive than never 
thrive: hold us still for your Bishop, and we shall provide 
better for the next time." This was the beginning and the 
end of the Archbishop s sermon. With haste he departed 
from the town, nor did he return to fulfil his promise. 

1 Outlawry. 

54 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

The said Master George remained with the gentlemen in 
Kyle, until he should get sure knowledge of the state of Dundee. 
He preached commonly at the kirk of Galston and much in 
the Barr. He was required to come to the kirk of Mauchline, 
and did so. But the Sheriff of Ayr manned the kirk, for pre 
servation of a tabernacle that was there, beautiful to the eye. 
The persons that held the kirk were George Campbell of 
Monkgarswood, who yet liveth, Mungo Campbell of Brounsyde, 
George Eeid in Daldilling, and the Laird of Templeland. 

Some zealous men of the parish, among whom was Hugh 
Campbell of Kinyeancleuch, offended that they should be 
debarred their parish kirk, determined to enter by force. 
But the said Master George drew the said Hugh aside, and 
said unto him, " Brother, Christ Jesus is as potent upon the 
fields as in the kirk; and I find that He Himself preached 
in the desert, at the sea side, and other places judged profane, 
more often than He did in the Temple of Jerusalem. It is the 
word of peace that God sends by me; the blood of no man 
shall be shed this day for the preaching of it." And so, with 
drawing the whole people, he came to a dyke at the side of 
a moor, upon the south-west side of Mauchline, and upon 
this he climbed. The whole multitude stood and sat about 
him, God giving a pleasing and hot day. He continued in 
preaching more than three hours. In that sermon, God 
wrought so wonderfully with him that one of the most wicked 
men that was in that country, Lawrence Eankin, Laird of Sheill, 
was converted. The tears ran from his eyes in such abundance 
that all men wondered. His conversion was without hypocrisy, 
for his life and conversation witnessed it in all after-times. 

While this faithful servant of God was thus 
occupied in Kyle, word came that the plague of. 
pestilence had arisen in Dundee. This had begun 
w ithin four days after Master George was inhibited 
from preaching, and was so vehement that it almost 
passed credibility to hear what number died every four-and- 
twenty hours. This certainly understood, Master George took 
his leave of Kyle, with the regret of many. No request could 
make him remain. " They are now in trouble," he said, " and 


they need comfort. Perchance this hand of God will make 
them now to magnify and reverence that Word, which before, 
for the fear of men, they set at light price." On his coming 
to Dundee, the joy of the faithful was exceeding great. He 
delayed no time, but even upon the morrow gave signification 
that he would preach. The most part were either sick or 
were in company with those that were sick, and for this reason 
he chose the head of the East Port of the town for his 
preaching place. Those who were whole sat or stood within 
the Port, the sick and suspected without. The text of 
his first sermon was taken from the hundred-and-seventh 
Psalm, " He sent His Word and healed them ; " joining 
therewith these words, " It is neither herb nor plaster, Lord, 
but Thy Word healeth all." In this sermon he most comfort 
ingly treated of the dignity and utility of God s Word ; the 
punishment that comes for contempt of the same ; the 
promptitude of God s mercy to such as truly turn to Him ; 
yea, the great happiness of them whom God takes from this 
misery, even in His own gentle visitation, a happiness that the 
malice of man can neither eke nor pare. 1 

By this sermon Master George so raised up the hearts of 
all that heard him that they regarded not death, but judged 
those more happy that should depart, than such as should 
remain behind ; considering that they knew not if they should 
have such a comforter with them at all times. Master George 
did not hesitate to visit them that lay in the very extremity of 
sickness. Them he comforted as well as he might in such a 
multitude. He also caused that all things necessary for those 
that could use meat or drink should be ministered ; and in 
that respect the town was wondrously benefited ; for the poor 
were no more neglected than were the rich. 
The While Master George Wishart was spending his 

Cardinal life to comfort the afflicted, the Devil ceased not to 

attempts i i i TT i 

to assas- stir up his own son the Cardinal again. He, by money, 

Wishart corrupted a desperate priest named Sir John Wighton 

to slay the said Master George, who did not look to 

himself in all things so circumspectly as worldly men would 

1 Increase nor diminish. 

56 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

have wished. One day, the sermon ended, and the people 
departing, suspecting no danger and therefore not heeding the 
said Master George, the priest that was corrupted stood waiting 
at the foot of the steps, his gown loose, and his drawn whinger 
in his hand under his gown. The said Master George, who 
was most sharp of eye and judgment, marked him, and as he 
came near said, " My friend, what would ye do ? " Therewith 
he clapped his hand upon the priest s hand wherein the 
whinger was, and took this from him. The priest, abashed, 
fell down at his feet and openly confessed the truth. The 
noise coining to the ears of the sick, they cried, " Deliver the 
traitor to us, or else we will take him by force ; " and burst in 
at the gate. But Master George took him in his arms and 
said, " Whosoever troubles him shall trouble me. He has 
hurt me in nothing, but has done great comfort both to you 
and me, he has let us understand what we may fear in times 
to come. We will watch better." Thus he appeased both the 
one part and the other, and saved the life of him that sought his. 
When the plague was so ceased that there were almost 
none sick, Master George took his leave of the people of 
Dundee ; saying that God had almost put end to that battle, 
and he found himself called to another. The gentlemen of the 
west had written unto him that he should meet them at Edin 
burgh ; for they would demand disputation with the bishops, 
and he should be publicly heard. Thereto he willingly agreed ; 
but first he passed to Montrose to salute the kirk there. 
There he remained, occupied sometimes in preaching but for 
the most part in secret meditation, in which he was so earnest 
that he would continue in it night and day. 

While Master George was so occupied with his 
Treachery ^od, tue Cardinal drew a secret draught for his 
Cardinal, slaughter. He caused to be written unto him a 
letter, purporting to be from his most familiar friend, 
the Laird of Kynneir, desiring him to come unto him with all 
possible diligence, for he was stricken with a sudden sickness. 
In the meantime the traitor had provided threescore men, 
witli jacks l and spears, to lie in wait within a mile and a half 

1 Coats of mail. 


of the town of Montrose, for his despatch. The letter coming 
to his hand, he made haste at the first, for the boy had brought 
a horse ; and so with some honest men, he passed forth of the 
town. But suddenly he stayed and, musing a space, turned 
back. " I will not go," he said ; " I am forbidden by God. 
I am assured there is treason. Let some of you go to yonder 
place, and tell me what ye find." Diligence made, they found 
the treason, as it was ; and this being shown with expedition 
to Master George, he answered, " I know that I shall finish 
my life in that bloodthirsty man s hands ; but it will not be 
in this manner." 

When the time at which he had appointed to meet 
Agony of the gentlemen at Edinburgh approached, Master George 
George took his leave of Montrose, and, sorely against the 
judgment of the Laird of Dun, entered on his journey. 
He returned to Dundee, but did not remain, going on to the 
house of a faithful brother named James Watson, who dwelt 
in Invergowrie, two miles distant from the said town. That 
night, according to information given to us by William Spadin 
and John Watson, both men of good credit, he passed forth 
into a yard, a little before day. The said William and John 
followed privily, and took heed what he did. When he had 
gone up and down in an alley for some time, with many sobs 
and deep groans, lie platt upon his knees, and remaining thus, 
his groans increased. From his knees, he fell upon his face ; 
and then the persons forenamed heard weeping, and an in 
distinct sound, as it were of prayers. In this agony he con 
tinued for nearly an hour, and afterwards began to be quiet, 
when he arose and came in to his bed. 

They that had watched got in before Master George, as if 
they had been ignorant of his absence until he came in ; and 
then they began to ask where he had been. But that night he 
would answer nothing. Upon the morrow they urged him 
again ; and, when he dissimulated, they said, " Master George, 
be plain with us ; we heard your groans ; yea, we heard your 
bitter mourning, and saw you both upon your knees and upon 
your face." With dejected visage, he said, " I had rather ye 
had been in your beds. It would have been more profitable 

58 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

for you, for I was scarcely well employed." They insistently 
urged him to let them know something for their comfort, and 
he then said, " I will tell you that I am assured that my 
travail is near an end. Therefore call to God with me, that 
now I shrink not, when the battle waxes most hot." When 
they wept, and said, that was " small comfort unto them ; " he 
answered, " God shall send you comfort after me. This realm 
shall be illuminated with the light of Christ s Evangel, as 
clearly as ever was any realm since the days of the Apostles. 
The house of God shall be builded in it. Yea, it shall not lack 
the very copestone, whatsoever the enemy imagine to the 
contrary." Neither shall this be long; there shall not many 
suffer after me, before the glory of God shall evidently appear, 
and shall once triumph in despite of Satan. But, alas ! if the 
people shall thereafter be unthankful, fearful and terrible shall 
the plagues be that shall follow." With these words he marched 
forward in his journey towards Perth ; and so to Fife, and then 
to Leith. 

Arrived in Leith, and hearing no word of those 
George ^ na ^ nac ^ appointed to meet him, to wit, the Earl of 
Kith. 8 in Cassillis and the gentlemen of Kyle and Cunningham, 
Master George kept himself secret for a day or two. 
But beginning to wax sorrowful in spirit, and being asked the 
cause, he said, " What differ I from a dead man, except that I 
eat and drink ? Unto this time, God has used my labours for 
the instruction of others, and for the disclosing of darkness ; 
and now I lurk as a man that is ashamed, and dare not show 
himself before men." From these and like words, they that 
heard him understood that his desire was to preach ; and 
therefore said they, " Most comfortable it were unto us to 
hear you; but, because we know the danger wherein ye 
stand, we dare not desire you." " Only dare ye and others 
hear," said he, "and then let my God provide for me, 
as best pleaseth Him." Finally, it was concluded that he 
should preach in Leith on the next Sunday. This he did, 
taking the text, " The parable of the sower that went forth 
to sow seed." (Matthew xiii.) This was fifteen days before 


The sermon ended, the gentlemen of Lothian, who 
heis Safety th en were earnest professors of Christ Jesus, thought 
toThe ed ^ not expedient that Master George should remain 

; j n L e ith, as the Governor and Cardinal were shortly 
to come to Edinburgh. Therefore they took him with 
them, and kept him sometimes in Brunstone, sometimes 
in Longniddry, and sometimes in Ormiston; for those three 
Lairds diligently waited upon him. On the Sunday following, 
he preached in the kirk of Inveresk, beside Musselburgh, both 
before and after noon. There was a great congregation of 
people, amongst them being Sir George Douglas, who said 
publicly after the sermon, " I know that my Lord Governor 
and my Lord Cardinal shall hear that I have been at this 
preaching. Say unto them that I will avow it, and will not 
only maintain the doctrine that I have heard, but also the per 
son of the teacher, to the uttermost of my power." These words 
greatly rejoiced the people and the gentlemen then present. 

We cannot pass by one notable thing in that sermon. 
Amongst others, there came two Grey Friars, who, standing in 
the entry of the kirk door, made some whispering to such as 
came in. This perceived, the preacher said to the people that 
stood nigh them, " I heartily pray you to make room for those 
two men. It may be that they be come to learn." Unto them 
he said, " Come near," they stood in the very entry of the 
door, " for I assure you ye shall hear the Word of truth, which 
shall this same day seal unto you your salvation, or your con 
demnation." He then proceeded with his sermon, supposing 
that they would have been quiet. But, when he perceived 
that they still troubled the people that stood nigh them (for 
vehement was he against the false worshipping of God), he 
turned unto them the second time, and with an awful 
countenance said, " sergeants of Satan and deceivers of 
the souls of men, will ye neither hear God s truth, nor suffer 
others to hear it ? Depart, and take this for your portion, 
God shall shortly confound and disclose your hypocrisy. 
Within this realm ye shall be abominable unto men, and your 
places and habitations shall be desolate." This sentence he 
pronounced with great vehemence, in the midst of the sermon ; 

60 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

and, turning to the people, he said, "Yon wicked men have 
provoked the Spirit of God to anger." Then he returned to 
his matter, and proceeded to the end. 

That day s travail ended, he came to Longniddry ; and on 
the two next Sundays he preached in Tranent, with the like 
grace and like confluence of people. In all his sermons, after 
his departure from Angus, he forespake the shortness of the 
time that he had to travail, and of his death, the day whereof, 
he said, approached nigher than any would believe. 

Towards the close of those days that are called the 


George holy days of Yule, he passed, by the consent of the 
Handing- gentlemen, to Haddington, where it was supposed the 

greatest confluence of people might be found, both by 
reason of the town and of the country adjacent. On the first 
day, before noon, the audience was reasonable, and yet nothing 
in comparison with that which used to be in that kirk. But, 
in the afternoon and on the next forenoon, the audience was so 
slender that many wondered. The reason was thought to have 
been that the Earl Bothwell, who in these bounds had great 
credit and obedience, had, by procurement of the Cardinal, 
given inhibition to the town, as well as to the country, that 
they should not hear Master George, under the pain of his 
displeasure. On the first night he lay within the town with 
David Forrest, now called the general, a man that long has 
professed the truth, and upon whom many in that time 
depended. On the second night he lay in Lethington, the 
Laird whereof was ever civil, albeit not persuaded in religion. 

On the day following, before the said Master 
Knoxs George passed to the sermon, a boy came to him 
pearam-e. w ^h a letter from the west land. This read, he 

called for John Knox, who had waited upon him care 
fully from the time he came to Lothian. With him he began 
to enter into purpose, 1 saying that he wearied of the world, 
for he perceived that men began to weary of God. The cause 
of his complaint was that the gentlemen of the west had 
written to him that they could not keep diet at Edinburgh. 
The said John Knox, wondering that he desired to keep any 

1 Conversation. 


purpose before sermon, for that was never his custom, said, 
" Sir, the time of sermon approaches : I will leave you for 
the present to your meditation ; " and so left him. The said 
Master George paced up and down behind the high altar for 
more than half an hour; his very countenance and visage 
declared the grief and alteration of his mind. At last he 
passed to the pulpit, but the audience was small. 

Master George should have begun to have treated 
sermon of of the second table of the Law ; but thereof in that 
George sermon he spake very little, and began in this manner : 
2? shl : " Lord, how long shall it be that Thy holy Word 
Arrest shall be despised, and men shall not regard their own 
salvation. I have heard of thee, Haddington, that in thee two 
or three thousand people would have been at a vain clerk play ; l 
and now, to hear the messenger of the Eternal God, of all thy 
town or parish there cannot be numbered a hundred persons. 
Sore and fearful shall the plague be that shall ensue this thy 
contempt : with fire and sword thou shalt be plagued ; yea, 
thou Haddington, in special, strangers shall possess thee, and 
you, the present inhabitants, shall either in bondage serve 
your enemies, or else ye shall be chased from your own habi 
tations; and that because ye have not known, and will not 
know, the time of God s merciful visitation." That servant of 
God continued for nearly an hour and a half in such vehemency 
and threatening, and during this he foretold all the plagues 
that ensued, as plainly as afterwards our eyes saw them per 
formed. In the end he said, " I have forgotten myself arc I the 
matter that I should have entreated ; but let these m) last 
words as concerning public preaching remain in your minds, 
until God send you new comfort." Thereafter he made a short 
paraphrase upon the second table, with an exhortation to 
patience, to the fear of God, and unto His works of mercy; 
and so ended, as it were making his last testament that the 
spirit of truth and of true judgment was both in his heart and 
mouth. Before midnight he was apprehended in the house of 
Ormiston, by the Earl Bothwell, who for money was become 
butcher to the Cardinal. . . . 

1 Dramatic entertainment founded on a passage of Scripture : a " mystery." 

62 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

The servant of God, Master George Wishart, was 


George is carried first to Edinburgh ; thereafter brought back to 


into the the House of Hailes, which was the principal place 
of the that then the Earl of Both well had in Lothian. As 
gold and women have corrupted all worldly and fleshly 
men from the beginning, so did they him. For the Cardinal 
gave gold, and that largely ; and the Queen, with whom the 
said Earl was then in the glondours, 1 promised favours in all 
his lawful suits to women, if he would deliver the said Master 
George to be kept in the Castle of Edinburgh. He made some 
resistance at the first, by reason of his promise : 2 but an 
effeminate man cannot long withstand the assaults of a 
gracious Queen. And so the servant of God was trans 
ported to Edinburgh Castle, where he remained not many 
days. For that bloody wolf, the Cardinal, ever thirsting for 
the blood of the servant of God, so travailed witli the abused 
Governor, that he was content that God s servant should be 
delivered to the power of that tyrant. 

Thus, small inversion being made, Pilate obeyed the petition 
of Caiaphas and of his fellows, and adjudged Christ to be 
crucified. The servant of God being delivered into the hand 
of that proud and merciless tyrant, triumph was made by the 
priests. The godly lamented, and accused the foolishness of 
the Governor ; for, by retaining the said Master George, he 
might have caused Protestants and Papists to have served : 
the one to the end that the life of their preacher might have 
been saved ; the other, for fear that he should have set him at 
liberty again, to the confusion of the bishops. But, where God 
is forsaken, what can counsel or judgment avail ? 

How the servant of God was treated, and what 
Bishops he did from the day that he entered within the Sea- 
t? e con- rgy Tower of St. Andrews, which was in the end of 
the Trial of January, in the year of God 1546, until the first of 
March in the same year, when lie suffered, we cannot 
certainly tell. We understand that he wrote something when 

1 A state of ill humour. 

2 Promise made at the arrest of Wishart, that he should not be delivered to 
the Governor or the Cardinal. 


in prison ; but that was suppressed by the enemies. The 
Cardinal delayed no time, but caused all bishops, yea all 
the clergy that had any pre-eminence, to be convocated to 
St. Andrews against the penult x of February, for consultation. 
The question was no less resolved in his own mind than was 
Christ s death in the mind of Caiaphas; but, that the rest 
should bear the burden with him, he desired that, before the 
world, they should subscribe to whatsoever he did. 

In that day was wrought no less a wonder than that at 
the accusation and death of Jesus Christ, when Pilate and 
Herod, who before were enemies, were made friends, by botli 
of them consenting to Christ s condemnation. There was no 
difference between the two cases, except that Pilate and 
Herod were brethren under their father the Devil in the 
estate called temporal, and these two of whom we are to 
speak were brethren, sons of the same father the Devil, in 
the estate ecclesiastical. If we interlace merriness with 
earnest matters, pardon us, good reader. The fact is so 
notable that it deserve th long memory. 

The Cardinal was known to be proud ; and Dunbar, 
TaffoPthe Archbishop of Glasgow, was known for a glorious fool ; 
and dinal anc ^ y e ^> Because for some time he had been called 
Archbishop the King s Master, 2 he was Chancellor of Scotland. 


The Cardinal had come to Glasgow this same year, 
in the end of harvest, upon what purpose we omit. But while 
they remained together, the one in the town, the other in the 
Castle, question arose as to precedence in the bearing of their 
croziers. The Cardinal alleged that, by reason of his cardinal- 
ship and of his office of Leyatus Natus and primate within 
Scotland in the kingdom of Antichrist, he should have the 
pre-eminence, and that his crozier should not only go before, 
but should alone be borne, wheresoever he was. Good 
Gukstoun Glaikstour, 3 the foresaid Archbishop, lacked no 
reasons, as he thought, for maintenance of his glory. He 
was an Archbishop, and, within his own diocese and in his 
own Cathedral seat and Church, ought to give place to no 
man. The power of the Cardinal was but begged from 

1 Second last day. 2 He had been tutor to James V. 3 See Glossary. 

64 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

Eome, and appertained but to his own person, and not to his 
bishopric ; for it might be that his successor should not be 
Cardinal. But his dignity was annexed to his office, and did 
appertain to all that ever should be archbishops of Glasgow. 

Howsoever these doubts were resolved by the doctors of 
divinity of both the prelates, the decision was as we shall hear. 
Coming forth, or going in, at the choir door of Glasgow Kirk 
there began a strife for position betwixt the two cross-bearers. 
From glooming they came to shouldering ; from shouldering 
they went on to buffets, and from dry blows, by neifs and 
neifeling ; l and then for charity s sake they cried, " Dispersit, 
dedit pauperibus" and assayed which of the croziers was finest 
metal, which staff was strongest, and which bearer could best 
defend his master s pre-eminence ; and, that there should be no 
superiority in that behalf, to the ground went both the croziers. 

And then began no little fray, but yet a merry game, for 
rochets were rent, tippets were torn, crowns were knapped, 2 
and side gowns might have been seen wantonly wag from 
the one wall to the other. Many of them lacked beards, 
and that was the more pity, for they could not buckle each 
other by the birse, 3 as bold men would have done. But fie 
on the jackmen that did not their duty ; for had the one 
part of them rencountered the other then had all gone 
right. The sanctuary, we suppose, saved the lives of many. 
However merrily this be written, it was bitter bourding 4 to 
the Cardinal and his court. It was more than irregularity. 
Yea, it might well have been judged lese-Majesty to the son 
of perdition, the Pope s own person ; and yet the other in his 
folly, as proud as a peacock, would let the Cardinal know 
that he was a bishop when the other was but Beaton, before 
he got Arbroath ! 

This enmity was judged mortal, and without all 
Herod and n P e f reconciliation. But the blood of the innocent 
servan t of God buried in oblivion all that bragging 
and boasting; for the Archbishop of Glasgow was 
the first unto whom the Cardinal wrote, signifying unto him 

1 Fists and fisticuffs. 2 Struck ; "cracked." 

8 Bristle, i.e. beard. 4 Jesting. 


what was done, and earnestly craving of him that he would 
assist with his presence and counsel, that such an enemy 
unto their estate might be suppressed. Thereto the other 
was not slow, but kept time appointed, sat next to the 
Cardinal, voted and subscribed first in the rank, and lay 
over the east block-house with the said Cardinal, until the 
martyr of God was consumed by fire. For we must note 
that as all these beasts consented in heart to the slaughter 
of that innocent, so did they approve it with their presence, 
having the whole ordnance of the Castle of St. Andrews bent 
towards the place of execution, ready to have shot if any 
would have made defence or rescue to God s servant. 

Upon the last day of February, 1 by the commandment of 
the Cardinal and his wicked Council, the Dean of the town 
was sent to the prison where lay the servant of God, the said 
Master George Wishart. Him he summoned to appear before 
the judge upon the following morning, then and there to give 
account of his seditious and heretical doctrine. The said 
Master George answered : " What needeth my Lord Cardinal 
to summon me to answer for my doctrine openly before him 
under whose power and dominion I am thus straitly bound 
in irons ? May not my Lord compel me to answer to his 
extortionate power; or believeth he that I am not prepared 
to render account of my doctrine ? To manifest what kind 
of men ye are, it is well that ye keep your old ceremonies and 
constitutions made by men." 

Upon the next morn, my Lord Cardinal caused 
George n ^ s servants to dress themselves in their most warlike 
bSo? e a the array, with jack, knapscall, 2 splent, 3 spear, and axe, 
Tribunal 8 more seemly for war than for the preaching of the 
true Word of God. And when these armed champions, 
marching in warlike order, had conveyed the Archbishops 
into the Abbey Church, incontinently they sent for Master 
George, who was conveyed unto the said church by the 
captain of the Castle and a hundred men dressed in manner 

1 Knox acknowledges that he has here incorporated John Foxe s account of 
the trial of Wishart. 

- Head-piece. 3 Armour for the legs. 


66 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

foresaicl. Like a lamb led they him to sacrifice. As he 
entered the Abbey Church door, a poor man, vexed with 
great infirmities, asked his alms. To him he flung his purse. 
When he had come before the Cardinal, the sub-prior of the 
Abbey, Dean John Winram, stood up in the pulpit and made 
a sermon to all the congregation there assembled, taking his 
matter out of the thirteenth chapter of Matthew. 

His sermon was divided into four principal parts. 
Sub-prior The first was a short and brief declaration concerning 
on e Heresy. ^ ne evangelist. The second was of the interpretation 
of the good seed ; and because he called the Word of 
God the good seed, and heresy the evil seed, he declared what 
heresy was and how it should be known. He defined in this 
manner : " Heresy is a false opinion, defended with pertinacity, 
clearly repugning to the Word of God." The third part of his 
sermon was concerning the cause of heresy within that realm 
and all other realms. " The cause of heresy," quoth he, " is 
the ignorance of those who have the cure of men s souls. To 
them it necessarily belongeth to have the true understanding 
of the Word of God, that they may be able to win again the 
false doctors of heresies, with the sword of the Spirit which 
is the Word of God ; and not only to win again, but also 
to overcome, as saith Paul, a bishop must be faultless, as 
becometh the minister of God, not stubborn, nor angry ; no 
drunkard, no fighter, not given to filthy lucre ; but harberous, 1 
one that loveth goodness, sober minded, righteous, holy, 
temperate, and such as cleaveth unto the true word of the 
doctrine, that he may be able to exhort with wholesome 
learning, and to improve that which they say against him. " 

The fourth part of his sermon was as to how heresies 
should be known. " Heresies be known on this manner. As 
the goldsmith knoweth the fine gold from the imperfect, by 
use of the touchstone, so likewise may we know heresy by the 
undoubted touchstone, that is, the true, sincere, and undefiled 
Word of God." At the last, he added that " heretics should 
be put down in this present life. The Gospel appeared to 
repugn this proposition let them both grow unto the harvest. 

1 Hospitable. 


The harvest is the end of the world : nevertheless, lie affirmed, 
they should be put down by the civil magistrate and law." 

When the Sub-prior ended his sermon, incon- 
tinently they caused Master George to ascend into 

Master 865 the pulpit, there to hear his accusation and articles. 
rge Right against him stood up one of the fed flock, a 
monster, John Lauder, laden full of cursing written on paper. 
Of these he took out a roll both long and full of cursings, 
threatenings, maledictions, and words of devilish spite and 
malice, saying to the innocent Master George so many cruel 
and abominable words, and hitting him so spitefully with the 
Pope s thunder, that the ignorant people dreaded lest the 
earth then would have swallowed him up quick. Notwith 
standing, he stood still with great patience hearing these 
sayings, not once moving or changing his countenance. 
When this fed sow had read throughout all his lying 
menaces, his face running down with sweat and he frothing 
at the mouth like a bear, he spat at Mr. George s face, saying 
" What answerest thou, thou runagate, traitor, and thief, to 
these sayings, which we have duly proved by sufficient witness 
against thee ? " Master George, hearing this, sat down upon 
his knees in the pulpit, making his prayer to God. When he 
had ended his prayer, sweetly and Christianly lie answered to 
them all in this manner. 

" Many and horrible sayings, many words abomin- 
orltionin able to hear, ye have spoken here unto me a Christian 
t e fts man this day, words which, not only to teach but also 
to think, I thought it ever great abomination. Where 
fore, I pray you quietly to hear me, that ye may know what 
were my sayings, and the manner of my doctrine. This my 
petition, my Lords, I desire to be heard for three causes. The 
first is that through preaching of the Word of God, His glory 
is made manifest. It is reasonable, therefore, for the advance 
ment of the glory of God, that ye hear me preaching truly the 
pure and sincere Word of # God, without any dissimulation. 
The second reason is that your health springeth of the Word 
of God, for He worketh all things by His Word. It were 
therefore an unrighteous thing, if ye should stop your ears 

68 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

when I am teaching truly the Word of God. The third 
reason is that your doctrine speaketh forth many pestilentious, 
blasphemous, and abominable words, coming by the inspiration 
not of God, but of the Devil, on no less peril than my life. It 
is just, therefore, and reasonable, that you should know what 
my words and doctrine are, and what I have ever taught in 
my time in this realm, so that I perish not unjustly, to the 
great peril of your souls. Wherefore, both for the glory and 
honour of God, your own health, and the safeguard of my life, 
I beseech your discretions to hear me, and in the meantime 
I shall recite my doctrine without any choler. 

" First, and chiefly, since the time I came into this realm, 
I have taught nothing but the ten commandments of God, the 
twelve articles of the faith, and the prayer of the Lord, in the 
mother tongue. Moreover, in Dundee, I taught the Epistle of 
St. Paul to the Eomans; and I shall show faithfully what 
fashion and manner I used when I taught, without any human 
dread, so that your discretions give me your ears benevolent 
and at tent." 

Suddenly then, with a high voice, cried the accuser, the fed 
sow, " Thou heretic, runagate, traitor, and thief, it was not 
lawful for thee to preach. Thou hast taken the power at 
thine own hand, without any authority of the Church. We 
forethink l that thou hast been a preacher so long." Then said 
the whole congregation of the prelates, with their accomplices, 
" If we give him licence to preach, he is so crafty and in Holy 
Scripture so exercised that he will persuade the people to his 
opinion, and raise them against us." 

Master George, seeing their malicious and wicked intent, 
appealed from the Lord Cardinal to the Lord Governor, as to 
an indifferent and equal judge. The accuser, John Lander, 
with hoggish voice answered, " Is not my Lord Cardinal the 
second person within this realm, Chancellor of Scotland, Arch 
bishop of St. Andrews, Bishop of Mirepoix, Commendator of 
Arbroath, Lcgatus Natus, Legatus a Later e ? And so reciting 
as many titles of his unworthy honours as would have laden 
a ship, much sooner an ass, " Is not he," quoth John Lander, 

1 Eepent. 


" an equal judge apparently to thee ? Whom else desirest 
thou to be thy judge ? " 

This humble man answered, " I refuse not my Lord Car 
dinal, but I desire the Word of God to be my judge, and the 
Temporal Estate, with some of your Lordships, my auditors ; 
because I am here my Lord Governor s prisoner." Whereupon 
the prideful and scornful people that stood by, mocked him, 
saying, "Such man, such judge!" speaking seditious and re 
proachful words against the Governor and other the nobles, 
meaning them also to be heretics. Incontinent, without delay, 
they would have given sentence upon Master George, and that 
without further process, had not certain men there counselled 
my Lord Cardinal to read again the articles, and to hear his 
answers thereupon, that the people might not complain of his 
wrongful condemnation. 

Shortly declared, the following were the articles, with his 
answers, as far as they would give him leave to speak ; for 
when he intended to mitigate their lesings l and show the 
manner of his doctrines, by and by they stopped his mouth 
with another article. 

1. Thou, false heretic, runagate, traitor, and thief, deceiver 
of the people, despisest the holy Church, and in like case 
contemnest my Lord Governor s authority. And we know for 
surety that, when thou preachedst in Dundee, and wast charged 
by my Lord Governor s authority to desist, thou wouldest not 
obey, but persevered in the same. And therefore the Bishop of 
Brechin cursed thee, and delivered thee into the Devil s hand, 
and gave thee commandment that thou shouldest preach 
no more. Yet, notwithstanding, thou didst continue obstin 
ately. My Lords, I have read in the Acts of the Apostles, 
that it is not lawful, for the threats and menacings of men, to 
desist from the preaching of the Evangel. It is written, " We 
shall rather obey God than men." I have also read in the 
Prophet Malachi, " I shall curse your blessings, and bless your 
cursings, says the Lord : " believing firmly that He would turn 
your cursings into blessings. 

2. Thou, false heretic, didst say that a priest standing at 

70 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

the altar saying Mass was like a fox wagging his tail in July. 
My Lords, I said not so. These were my sayings. The 
moving of the body outward, without the inward moving of 
the heart, is nought else but the playing of an ape, and not 
the true serving of God ; for God is a secret searcher of men s 
hearts. Therefore, who will truly adorn and honour God, he 
must in spirit and verity honour Him. 

Then the accuser stopped his mouth with another article. 

3. Thou, false heretic, preachest against the Sacraments, 
saying that there are not seven Sacraments. My Lords, if it 
be your pleasure, I taught never of the number of the Sacra 
ments, whether they were seven or eleven. So many as are 
instituted by Christ, and are shown to us by the Evangel, I 
profess openly. Except it be the Word of God, I dare affirm 

4. Thou, false heretic, hast openly taught that auricular 
confession is not a blessed sacrament ; and thou sayest that 
we should only confess to God, and to no priest. My Lords, 
I say that auricular confession, seeing that it hath no promise 
of the Evangel, cannot be a sacrament. Of the confession to 
be made to God, there are many testimonies in Scripture; 
as when David saith, " I thought I would acknowledge my 
iniquity against myself unto the Lord ; and He forgave the 
trespasses of my sins." Here, confession signifieth the secret 
knowledge of our sins before God. When I exhorted the 
people on this manner, I reproved no manner of confession. 
And further, St. James saith, "Acknowledge your sins one to 
another, and so let you to have peace amongst yourselves." 
Here the Apostle meaneth nothing of auricular confession, but 
that we should acknowledge and confess ourselves to be sinners 
before our brethren and before the world, and not esteem 
ourselves as the Grey Friars do, thinking themselves already 

When he had said these words, the horned bishops and 
their accomplices cried, and girned 1 with their teeth, saying, 
" See ye not what colours he hath in his speech, that he may 
beguile us, and seduce us to his opinion." 

1 Gnashed. 


5. Thou, heretic, didsfc say openly, that it was necessary to 
every man to know and understand his baptism, and that it 
was contrary to general councils, and the estates of Holy 
Church. My Lords, I believe there be none so unwise here 
that will make merchandise with a Frenchman, or any other 
unknown stranger, except he know and understand first the 
condition or promise made by the Frenchman or stranger. 
So, likewise, I would that we understood what things we 
promise in the name of the infant unto God in baptism. For 
this cause, I believe ye have confirmation. 

Then said Master Bleiter, chaplain, that he had the devil 
within him, and the spirit of error. A child answered him, 
" The Devil cannot speak such w r ords as yonder man doth 

6. Thou, false heretic, traitor, and thief, saidst that the 
Sacrament of the altar was but a piece of bread, baken upon 
the ashes, and nothing else ; and all that is there done is but 
a superstitious rite against the commandment of God. . . . 
Lord God ! So manifest lies and blasphemies the Scripture 
doth not teach you. As concerning the Sacrament of the altar, 
my Lords, I never taught anything against the Scripture, 
which I shall, by God s grace, make manifest this day, I being 
ready therefor to suffer death. 

The lawful use of the Sacrament is most acceptable unto 
God : the great abuse of it is very detestable unto Him. But 
what occasion they have to say such words of me, I shall 
shortly show your Lordships. I once chanced to meet witli 
a Jew, when I was sailing upon the water of Khine. I did 
inquire of him what was the cause of his pertinacity in not 
believing that the true Messias was come, considering that 
they had seen fulfilled all the prophecies which were spoken 
of Him ; moreover, the prophecies taken away, and the sceptre 
of Judah. By many other testimonies of the Scripture, I 
vanquished him, and proved that Messias was come, whom 
they called Jesus of Nazareth. This Jew answered me, 
" When Messias cometh, he shall restore all things, and lie 
shall not abrogate the Law, which was given to our fathers, as 
ye do. For why ? we see the poor almost perish through 

72 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

hunger among you, yet you are not moved with pity towards 
them ; but among us Jews, though we be poor, there are no 
beggars found. Secondly, it is forbidden by the Law to feign 
any kind of imagery of things in heaven above or in the earth 
beneath or in the sea under the earth, but one God only 
to honour : your sanctuaries and churches are full of idols. 
Thirdly, ye adore and worship a piece of bread baken upon the 
ashes, and say that it is your God." I have rehearsed here but 
the sayings of the Jew, which I never affirmed to be true. 

Then the bishops shook their heads, and spat on the 
ground. What he meant to say further in this matter, they 
would not hear. 

7. Thou, false heretic, didst say that extreme unction was 
not a sacrament. My Lords, forsooth, I never taught anything 
of extreme unction in my doctrine, whether it was a sacrament 
or no. 

8. Thou, false heretic, saidst that the holy water is not 
so good as wash, and such like. Thou contemnest conjuring, 
and sayest that Holy Church s cursing availeth not. My 
Lords, as for holy water, of what strength it is, I never taught 
in my doctrine. Conjurings and exorcisms, if they were 
conformable to the Word of God, I would commend. But 
in so far as they are not conformable to the commandment 
and Word of God, I reprove them. 

9. Thou, false heretic and runagate, hast said that every 
layman is a priest ; and thou sayest that the Pope hath no 
more power than any other man. My Lords, I taught nothing 
but the Word of God. I remember that I have read in some 
places in St. John and St. Peter, of whom one sayeth, " He 
hath made us kings and priests ; " the other sayeth, " He hath 
made us the kingly priesthood." Wherefore, I have affirmed 
that any man, being cunning and perfect in the Word of God 
and the true faith of Jesus Christ, has his power given him from 
God, and that not by the power or violence of men, but by 
the virtue of the Word of God the Word which is called the 
power of God, as St. Paul witnesseth evidently enough. And 
again I say that any unlearned man, not exercised in the 
Word of God, nor yet constant in his faith, of whatsoever 


estate or order he be, hath no power to bind or loose, seeing 
he lacketh the instrument by the which he bindeth or loose th, 
that is to say, the Word of God. 

After he had said these words all the bishops laughed, and 
mocked him. When he beheld their laughing, " Laugh ye," 
saith he, " my Lords ? Though these my sayings appear 
scornful and worthy of derision to your Lordships, they are 
nevertheless very weighty to rne, and of a great value ; because 
they stand not only upon my life, but also the honour and 
glory of God." 

In the meantime many godly men, beholding the wodness l 
and great cruelty of the bishops, and the invincible patience of 
the said Master George, did greatly mourn and lament. 

10. Thou, false heretic, saidst that a man hath no free 
will, but is like to the Stoics, who say that it is not in man s 
will to do anything, but that concupiscence and desire cometh 
of God, of whatsoever kind it be. My Lords, I said not so, 
truly : I say that unto as many as believe in Christ firmly is 
given liberty, conformable to the saying of St. John, " If the 
Son make you free, then shall ye verily be free." Of the 
contrary, as many as believe not in Christ Jesus, they are 
bound servants of sin : " He that sinneth is bound to sin." 

11. Thou, false heretic, sayest it is as lawful to eat flesh 
upon Friday, as on Sunday. May it please your Lordships, I 
have read in the Epistles of St. Paul that " to the clean, all 
things are clean." Of the contrary, " To filthy men, all things 
are unclean." A faithful man, clean and holy, sanctifieth by 
the Word the creature of God ; but the creature maketh no 
man acceptable unto God : so that a creature may not sanctify 
any impure and unfaithful man. But to the faithful man, all 
tilings are sanctified by the prayer of the Word of God. 

After these sayings of Master George, all the bishops, with 
their accomplices, said, " What witness need we against him : 
hatty he not openly here spoken blasphemy ? " 

12. Thou, false heretic, dost say that we should not pray 
to saints, but to God only. Say whether thou hast said this or 
no : say shortly. For the weakness and the infirmity of the 

1 Fury. 

74 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

hearers, without doubt, plainly, saints should not be honoured 
or called upon. My Lords, there are two things worthy of 
note : the one is certain and the other uncertain. It is found 
plainly and certain in Scriptures that we should worship and 
honour one God, according to the saying of the first command 
ment, " Thou shall only worship and honour thy Lord God 
with all thy heart." But as to praying to and honouring of 
saints, there is great doubt among many, whether or no they 
hear invocation made unto them. Therefore, I exhorted all 
men equally in my doctrine that they should leave the unsure 
way, and follow the way which was taught us by our Master 
Christ : He only is our Mediator, and maketh intercession for 
us to God, His Father: He is the door, by which we must 
enter in : He that entereth not in by this door, but climbeth 
another way, is a thief and a murderer : He is the truth and 
life. There is no doubt but he that goeth out of this way shall 
fall into the mire ; yea, verily, he is fallen into it already. 
This is the fashion of my doctrine, which I have ever followed. 
Verily, that which I have heard and read in the Word of God 
I taught openly and in no corners, and now ye shall witness 
the same, if your Lordships will hear me. I dare not be so 
bold as affirm anything unless it agree with the Word of God. 
These sayings he rehearsed divers times. 

13. Thou, false heretic, hast preached plainly that there 
is no purgatory, and that it is a feigned thing that any man, 
after this life, will be punished in purgatory. My Lords, as I 
have oftentimes said heretofore, without express witness and 
testimony of Scripture, I dare affirm nothing. I have oft and 
divers times read over the Bible, and yet such a term found 
I never, nor yet any place of Scripture applicable thereto. 
Therefore, I was ashamed ever to teach of that which I could 
not find in Scripture. 

Then said he to Master John Lander, his accuser, " If you 
have any testimony of the Scripture, by the which ye may 
prove any such place, show it now before this audience." But 
that dolt had not a word to say for himself, but was as dumb 
as a beetle in that matter. 

14. Thou, false heretic, hast taught plainly against the 


vows of monks, friars, nuns, and priests, saying that whosoever 
was bound by such vows did vow themselves to the state of 
damnation. Moreover, thou hast taught that it was lawful for 
priests to marry wives, and not to live sole. Of sooth, my 
Lords, I have read in the Evangel that there are three kinds 
of chaste men : some are gelded from their mother s womb ; 
some are gelded by men ; and some have gelded themselves 
for the kingdom of heaven s sake ; verily, I say, these men are 
blessed by the Scripture of God. But as many as have not 
the gift of chastity, nor yet for the Evangel have overcome the 
concupiscence of the flesh, and have vowed chastity, ye have 
experience, although I should hold my tongue, to what incon 
venience they have vowed themselves. 

When he had said these words, they were all dumb, thinking 
it better to have ten concubines, than one married wife. 

1 5. Thou, false heretic and runagate, sayest that thou wilt 
not obey our General or Provincial Councils. My Lords, I 
know not what your General Councils are. I never studied 
that matter ; but gave my labours to the pure Word of God. 
Eead here your General Councils, or else give me a book 
wherein they are contained, that I may read of them. If they 
agree with the Word of God, I will not disagree. 

Then the ravening wolves became mad, and said, " Where- 
unto do we let him speak any further ? Read forth the rest 
of the articles, and stay not upon* them." Amongst these 
cruel tigers there was one false hypocrite, a seducer of the 
people, called John Scott, who, standing behind John Lauder s 
back, hasted him to read the rest of the articles, and not to 
tarry for Master George s witty and godly answers ; " For we 
may not abide them," quoth he, " no more than the Devil may 
abide the sign of the Cross when it is named." 

1 6. Thou, heretic, sayest, that it is vain to build to the 
honour of God costly churches, seeing that God remaineth 
not in churches made by men s hands, nor yet can God be 
in so little space, as betwixt the priest s hands. My Lords, 
Solomon saith, " If the heaven of heavens cannot comprehend 
Thee, how much less this house that I have builded." And 
Job consenteth to the same sentence, saying, " Seeing that He 

76 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

is higher than the heavens, what canst thou build unto Him ? 
He is deeper than the hell, then how shalt thou know Him ? 
He is longer than the earth, and broader than the sea." God 
cannot be comprehended into one space, because He is infinite. 
These sayings notwithstanding, I never said that churches 
should be destroyed ; but, on the contrary, I ever affirmed that 
churches should be sustained and upholden, and that the 
people should be congregated in them to hear the Word of 
God preached. Moreover, wheresoever there is the true 
preaching of the Word of God and the lawful use of the 
Sacraments, undoubtedly God is there Himself. Thus, both 
these sayings are true together. God cannot be comprehended 
into any one place : and, " Wheresoever there are two or 
three gathered in His name, there is He present in the midst 
of them." 

Then said he to his accuser, " If thou thinkest any 
otherwise, then I say, show further thy reasons before this 
audience." He, without all reason, was dumb, and could not 
answer a word. 

17. Thou, false heretic, contemnest fasting, and sayest 
thou shouldest not fast. My Lords, I find that fasting is com 
manded in the Scripture ; therefore I were a slanderer of the 
Gospel if I contemned fasting. Not only so, I have learned by 
experience that fasting is good for the health and conservation 
of the body. But God knoweth only who fasteth the true fast. 

1 8. Thou, false heretic, hast preached openly, saying, that 
the souls of men shall sleep to the latter day of judgment, 
and shall not obtain life immortal until that day. God, full 
of mercy and goodness, forgive him that sayeth such things of 
me. I wot and know surely, by the Word of God, that the 
soul of him that hath begun to have the faith of Jesus Christ 
and believeth firmly in Him, shall never sleep, but ever shall 
live an immortal life. That life is renewed in grace from day 
to day and augmented; nor shall it ever perish or have an 
end, but shall ever live immortal with Christ its Head. To 
this life, all that believe in Him shall come, and then shall 
remain in eternal glory. Amen. 

When the bishops, with their accomplices, had accused 


this innocent man, in manner and form aforesaid, they incon 
tinently condemned him to be burned as a heretic, not having 
respect to his godly answers and the true reasons which he 
alleged, nor yet to their own consciences. They thought, 
verily, that they should do to God good sacrifice, conformably 
to the sayings of Jesus Christ in the Gospel of St. John, 
chapter sixteen : " They shall excommunicate you ; yea, and 
the time shall come that he which killeth you shall think that 
he hath done to God good service." 

The following is the prayer of Master George. " im 
mortal God ! how long shalt Thou suffer the wodness and 
great credulity of the ungodly to exercise their fury upon Thy 
servants, who do further Thy Word in this world. They desire 
to do the contrary, to choke and destroy the true doctrine and 
truth, whereby Thou hast showed Thee unto the world, which 
was all drowned in blindness and misknowledge of Thy name. 
Lord, we know surely that Thy true servants must needs 
suffer, for Thy name s sake, persecution, affliction, and troubles 
in this present life, which is but a shadow, as Thou hast showed 
to us by Thy prophets and apostles. But yet we desire Thee, 
merciful Father, that Thou wouldest preserve, defend, and help 
Thy congregation, which Thou hast chosen before the beginning 
of the world, and give them Thy grace to hear Thy word, and 
to be true servants in this present life." 

Then, by and by, the common people were removed (for 
their desire was always to hear that innocent speak) and 
the sons of darkness pronounced their sentence definitive, not 
having respect to the judgment of God. When all this was 
done and said, my Lord Cardinal caused his tormentors to 
pass again with the meek lamb unto the Castle, until such 
time as the fire was made ready. When he was come into the 
Castle, there came two Grey fiends, Friar Scott and his 
mate, saying, " Sir, ye must make your confession unto us." 
He answered and said, " I will make no confession unto you. 
Go fetch me yonder man that preached this day, and I will 
make my confession unto him." Then they sent for the Sub- 
prior of the Abbey, who came to him with all diligence ; but 
what he said in this confession I cannot show. 

78 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

When the fire and the gallows were made ready at the 
west part of the Castle, near to the Priory, my Lord Cardinal, 
dreading that Master George should have been taken away by 
his friends, commanded his men to bend all the ordnance of 
the Castle against the place of execution, and commanded all 
his gunners to be ready, and stand beside their guns, until 
such time as he was burned. All this being done, they bound 
Master George s hands behind his back, and led him forth 
from the Castle with their soldiers, to the place of their cruel 
and wicked execution. As he came forth from the Castle gate, 
there met him certain beggars asking his alms, for God s sake. 
To these he answered, " I want my hands, wherewith I was 
wont to give you alms. But may the merciful Lord, who 
feedeth all men, vouchsafe of His benignity and abundant 
grace to give you necessaries, both for your bodies and souls." 
Then met him two false fiends I should say, Friars saying, 
" Master George, pray to our Lady that she may be a mediatrix 
for you to her Son." To them he answered meekly, " Cease : 
tempt me not, my brethren." After this he was led to the 
fire, with a rope about his neck, and a chain of iron about his 

When he carne to the fire he sat down upon his 
George" knees, and rose again ; and thrice he said these words, 
broug-ht to " Thou Saviour of the world, have mercy upon me : 
Father of heaven, I commend my spirit into Thy holy 
hands." When he had made this prayer, he turned him to 
the people, and said these words : " I beseech you, Christian 
brethren and sisters, that ye be not offended at the Word of 
God because of the affliction and torments which ye see already 
prepared for me. I exhort you that ye love the Word of God, 
your salvation, and suffer patiently and with a comfortable 
heart, for the Word s sake, which is your undoubted salvation 
and everlasting comfort. Moreover, I pray you, urge upon 
those of my brethren and sisters who have heard me oft before 
that they cease not nor leave off to learn that Word of God 
which I taught them, according to the grace given unto me 
not for my persecution or troubles in this world, which lasteth 
not. And show unto them that my doctrine was no wives 


fables, after the constitution made by men ; if I had taught 
men s doctrine, I should have gotten greater thanks from men. 
But, for the Word s sake, and for the true Evangel, given to 
me by the grace of God, I suffer this day by men, not sorrow 
fully, but with a glad heart and mind. For this cause I was 
sent, that I should suffer this fire for Christ s sake. Consider 
and behold my visage ; ye shall not see me change my colour. 
This grim fire I fear not ; and so I pray you to do, if any perse 
cution come unto you for the Word s sake. Do not fear them 
that slay the body, and afterwards have no power to slay the 
soul. Some have said of me that I taught that the soul of 
man should sleep until the last day ; but I know surely that 
this night, before six o clock, my soul shall sup with my 
Saviour, for whom I surfer this." 

Then Master George prayed for them that accused him, 
saying, " I beseech Thee, Father of Heaven, to forgive them 
that have of any ignorance, or else of any evil mind, forged 
lies upon me ; I forgive them with all mine heart : I beseech 
Christ to forgive them that have condemned me to death this 
day, ignorantly." And last of all, he said to the people on 
this manner, " I beseech you, brethren and sisters, to exhort 
your prelates to the learning of the Word of God, that they 
at least may be ashamed to do evil and learn to do good ; and 
if they will not convert themselves from their wicked error, 
there shall hastily come upon them the wrath of God, and that 
they shall not eschew." 

Many faithful words said he in the meantime, taking no 
heed or care of the cruel torments which were then prepared 
for him. Then, last of all, the hangman that was his tormentor, 
sat down upon his knees, and said, " Sir, I pray you, forgive 
me, for I am not guilty of your death." To whom he answered, 
" Come hither to me." When he was come to him, he kissed 
his cheek, and said, " Lo ! here is a token that I forgive thee. 
My heart, do thine office." And then by and by he was put 
upon the gibbet, and hanged, and there burned to powder. 
When the people beheld the great tormenting of that innocent, 
they could not refrain from piteous mourning and complaining 
of the innocent lamb s slaughter. 

8o BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

Vengeance After the death of this blessed martyr of God, the 
Cardinal is P eo pl e began, in plain speaking, to damn and detest 
vowed. the cruelty that was used. Yea, men of great birth, 
estimation, and honour, avowed at open tables that the blood 
of the said Master George should be revenged, or else it 
should cost life for life. Amongst these John Leslie, brother 
to the Earl of Eothes, was the chief ; for he spared not to say 
in all companies, " This same whinger," drawing his dagger, 
"and this same hand, shall be priests to the Cardinal." 
These bruits came to the Cardinal s ears ; but he thought him 
self stout enough for all Scotland ; for in Babylon, that is, in 
his new block-house, he was secure, as he thought ; and upon 
the field he was able to match all his enemies. To write the 
truth, the most part of the nobility of Scotland had either 
given unto him their bonds of manrent, or else were in con 
federacy, and promised amity with him. . . . 

After Easter, the Cardinal came to Edinburgh to hold the 
seinye, 1 as the Papists term their unhappy assembly of Baal s 
shaven sort. It was bruited that something was purposed 
against him at that time by the Earl of Angus and his friends, 
whom he mortally hated, and whose destruction he sought. 
But it failed, and so returned he to his strength ; yea, to his 
god and only comfort, as well in heaven as in earth. And 
there he remained without the least fear of death, promising 
unto himself no less pleasure than did the rich man of whom 
mention is made by our Master in the Evangel. He did not 
only rejoice and say, " Eat and be glad, my soul, for thou hast 
great riches laid up in store for many days ; " but also, " Tush, 
a fig for the feud, and a button for the bragging of all the 
heretics and their assistants in Scotland. Is not my Lord 
Governor mine ? Witness his eldest son there in pledge at 
my table ? Have I not the Queen at my own devotion ? (He 
alluded to the mother of Mary that now mischievously reigns.) 
Is not France my friend, and am not I friend to France ? 
What danger should I fear ? " Thus, in vanity, the carnal 
Cardinal delighted himself a little before his death. . . . 

Early upon Saturday morning, the twenty-ninth of May 

1 Synod ; consistory. 


1546, there were sundry companies in the Abbey kirk-yard, in 
St. Andrews, not far distant from the Castle. The gates of 
the Castle being opened, and the draw-bridge let down for 
admission of lime and stones and other things necessary for 
building, for Babylon was almost finished, William Kirkaldy 
of Grange, younger, and with him six persons, got entrance, 
and held purpose with the porter, inquiring " If my Lord was 
\valking ? " He answered, " No." While the said William and 
the porter talked, and his servants pretended to look at the 
work and the workmen, Norman Leslie approached with his 
company; and, because they were in no great number, they 
easily got entrance. They directed their course to the very 
middle of the close, and immediately thereafter came John 
Leslie, somewhat rudely, and four persons with him. The 
porter, taking fright, would have drawn the bridge ; but the 
said John, being entered thereon, stayed and leapt in. When 
the porter made for his defence, his head was broken, the keys 
were taken from him, and he cast into the fosse ; and so the 
place was seized. 

Shouts arose ; the workmen, tq the number of more than a 
hundred, ran off the walls, and were without hurt put forth at 
the wicket gate. The first thing, William Kirkaldy took the 
guard of the privy postern, fearing that the fox should escape. 
Then went the rest to the gentlemen s chambers, and without 
violence done to any man, put more than fifty persons to the 
gate. The number that enterprised and did this was but 
sixteen persons. The Cardinal, awakened with the shouts, 
asked from his window what that noise meant. It was 
answered that Norman Leslie had taken his Castle. This 
understood, he ran for his postern ; but, perceiving the passage 
to be guarded, he returned quickly to his chamber, took his 
two-handed sword, and gart 1 his chamber-child move chests 
and other impediments to the door. 

In the meantime came John Leslie and bade the door be 
opened. The Cardinal asking, " Who calls ? " he answered, 
" My name is Leslie." He again asked, " Is that Norman ? " 
The other said, " Nay ; my name is John." " I will have 

1 Caused. 

82 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

Norman," said the Cardinal ; " for he is my friend." " Content 
yourself with such as are here; ye shall get none other." 
With the said John were James Melvin, a man familiarly 
acquainted with Master George Wishart, and Peter Carmichael, 
a stout 1 gentleman. While they forced at the door, the Cardinal 
hid a box of gold under coals that were laid in a secret corner. 
At length he asked, " Will ye save my life ? " The said John 
answered, " It may be that we will." " Nay," said the Cardinal, 
" Swear unto me by God s wounds, and I will open unto you." 
Then answered the said John, " It that was said, is unsaid ; " 
and cried, " Fire, Fire," for the door was very stark. 2 Then was 
brought a chimley 3 full of burning coals. This perceived, the 
Cardinal or his chamber-child opened the door, and the Cardinal 
sat down in a chair and cried, " I am a priest, I am a priest ; 
ye will not slay me." 

John Leslie, according to his former vows, struck 
nation S of the Cardinal once or twice, and so did the said Peter. 
Beaton^ But James Melvin, a man of nature most gentle and 
29th May mogt moc [ e g^ perceiving that they were both in choler, 
withdrew them, and said, " This work and judgment 
of God, although it be secret, ought to be done with greater 
gravity." Presenting the point of his sword at the Cardinal, 
he said, " Eepent thee of thy former wicked life, but especially 
of the shedding of the blood of that notable instrument of God, 
Master George Wishart, which, albeit the flame of fire con 
sumed it before men, yet cries a vengeance upon thee. We 
are sent from God to revenge it : for here, before my God, I 
protest that neither the hatred of thy person, nor the love 
of thy riches, nor the fear of any trouble thou couldst have 
brought on me in particular, doth move me to strike thee, 1 
do so only because thou hast been and remainest an obstinate 
enemy against Christ Jesus and His holy Evangel." And so 
he struck him twice or thrice through with a stog sword ; 4 and 
so the Cardinal fell, never word heard out of his mouth, but 
" I am a priest, I am a priest : fie, fie : all is gone." 

The death of this tyrant was dolorous to the priests, 

1 Staunch. 2 Strong. 

3 Fire -basket. 4 Long small sword. 


dolorous to the Governor, most dolorous to the Queen 
Dowager ; for in him perished faithfulness to France, and 
comfort to all gentlewomen, especially to wanton widows : his 
death must be revenged. . . . The Archbishop, to declare the 
zeal that he had to revenge the death of him that was his 
predecessor (and yet he would not have had him living again) 
still blew the coals. And first, he caused to be summoned, 
then denounced, accursed, and last, proclaimed rebels, not only 
the first enterprisers, but all such as did accompany them. 
And last of all, the siege of the Castle was decided upon. 

The siege began in the end of August ; for on the 
forming twenty-third day thereof the soldiers departed from 
besieged Edinburgh, and it continued until near the end of 
CaSfe January. At that time, they had no other hope of 
Andrews, winning it but by hunger; and of that they were 
despaired, for those within had broken through the 
east wall, and made a plain passage by an iron gate to the sea. 
This greatly relieved the besieged, and abased the besiegers ; 
for they could not stop them of victuals, unless they should be 
masters of the sea, and that they clearly understood they could 
not be. 

The English ships had been there once already, and had 
brought William Kirkaldy from London, and had taken with 
them to the Court of England, John Leslie and Master Henry 
Balnaves, for the perfecting of all contracts. King Harry had 
promised to take them into his protection, upon condition that 
they should keep the Governor s son, my Lord of Arran, and 
stand friends to the contract of marriage before mentioned. 
These things clearly understood by the Governor and by his 
Council, the priests, and the shaven sort, they concluded to 
make an Appointment, to the end that they might either get 
the Castle betrayed, or else some principal men of the company 
taken unawares. 

The heads of the coloured Appointment were : 

eroul a i. That they should keep the Castle of St. Andrews, 

until the Governor and the authority of Scotland 

should get unto them a sufficient absolution from the Pope, 

Antichrist of Home, for the slaughter of the Cardinal foresaid. 

84 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

2. That they should deliver pledges for delivery of that 
House as soon as the absolution should be delivered unto 
them. 3. That they, their friends, familiars, servants, and 
others pertaining to them, should never, for the slaughter fore- 
said, be pursued at law or by the law, by the authority. Also, 
that they should bruik 1 spiritual or temporal commodities, 
possessed before the said slaughter, even as if it had never been 
committed. 4. That they of the Castle should keep the Earl 
of Arran, so long as their pledges were kept. There were 
other such articles, and all were liberal enough ; for the 
Governor and his Council never intended to keep a word of 
them, as the issue did declare. 

The Appointment was made, and all the godly were 
Rough glad: for they had some hope that thereby God s 
"reaching. Word should somewhat bud, as indeed it did. For 

John Eough, who had entered the Castle soon after 
the Cardinal s slaughter, and had continued with them during 
the siege, began to preach in St. Andrews. Albeit he was not 
the most learned, his doctrine was without corruption, and 
therefore well liked by the people. 

At the Easter following, John Knox came to the 
comes to x Castle of St. Andrews. Wearied of removing from 
of st. as e place to place, by reason of the persecution that came 

upon him by this Archbishop of St. Andrews, he had 
determined to have left Scotland, and to have visited the 
schools of Germany. Of England he had no pleasure then. 
There, albeit the Pope s name had been suppressed, his laws and 
corruptions remained in full vigour. But the said John had the 
care of some gentlemen s children, whom for certain years he 
had nourished in godliness, and their fathers solicited him to go 
to St. Andrews, that he himself might have the protection of the 
Castle, and their children the benefit of his tuition. So came 
he thither at the time mentioned, and, having in his company 
Frances Douglas of Longniddry, George his brother, and Alex 
ander Cockburn, then eldest son to the Laird of Ormiston, he 
began to exercise them after his accustomed manner. 

Besides their grammar and other human authors, he read 

1 Enjoy ; possess. 


to his pupils a catechism of which he caused them to give an 
account publicly, in the Parish Kirk of St. Andrews. More 
over, he read unto them the Evangel of John, and that lecture 
he delivered in the chapel within the Castle, at a certain hour. 
Those of the place, but especially Master Henry Bal naves and 
John Kough, preacher, perceiving the manner of his doctrine, 
began earnestly to travail with him that he would take the 
preaching place upon him. But he utterly refused, alleging 
that he would not run where God had not called him ; meaning 
that he would do nothing without a lawful vocation. 

Whereupon, advising privily among themselves, 
iscJiied x and having with them Sir David Lyndsay of the 
office of Mount, they decided to give a charge to the said 
John, and that publicly by the mouth of their 
preacher. And so, upon a certain day, a sermon was delivered 
concerning the election of ministers what power the congre 
gation (however small, passing the number of two or three) 
had over any man in whom they supposed and espied the 
gifts of God to be, and how dangerous it was to refuse, and 
not to hear the voice of such as desired to be instructed. 
Then the said John Kough, preacher, directed his words to 
the said John Knox, saying, " Brother, ye must not be offended 
if I speak unto you that which I have in charge from all those 
that are here present, namely this : In the name of God and of 
His Son Jesus Christ, and in the name of these that presently 
call you by my mouth, I charge you that ye refuse not this 
holy vocation, but that as ye seek the glory of God, the 
increase of Christ s Kingdom, the edification of your brethren, 
and the comfort of me, whom ye well enough understand to 
be oppressed by the multitude of labours ye take upon you 
the public office and charge of preaching, even as ye look to 
avoid God s heavy displeasure, and desire that He shall 
multiply His graces with you." 

In the end, the preacher said to those that were present, 
" Was not this your charge to me ? And do ye not approve 
this vocation ? " They answered, " It was ; and we approve 
it." Thereat the said John, abashed, burst forth in most 
abundant tears, and withdrew himself to his chamber. His 

86 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

countenance and behaviour, from that day until the day that 
he was compelled to present himself in the public place of 
preaching, did sufficiently declare the grief and trouble of his 
heart. No man saw in him any sign of mirth, nor yet had he 
pleasure to accompany any man, for many days together. 

Another necessity caused him to enter the public 
place, besides the vocation foresaid. Dean John 

Kirk :Ss n Annan, a rotten Papist, had long troubled John Bough 
e in his preaching : and the said John Knox had fortified 
the doctrine of the preacher by his pen, and had beaten the 
said Dean John from all defences, so that he was compelled 
to ny to his last refuge, that is, to the authority of the Church, 
" which authority," said he, " damned all Lutherans and 
heretics; and therefore he needed no further disputation." 
John Knox answered, " Before we hold ourselves convicted, 
or ye can sufficiently prove us so, we must define the 
Church, by the right notes of the true Church given to us 
in God s Scriptures. We must discern the immaculate spouse 
of Jesus Christ from the Mother of Confusion, spiritual 
Babylon, lest imprudently we embrace a harlot instead of 
the chaste spouse ; yea, to speak it in plain words, lest we 
submit ourselves to Satan, thinking that we submit ourselves 
to Jesus Christ. For, as for your Roman Kirk, as it is now 
corrupted, and the authority thereof, wherein stands the hope 
of your victory, I no more doubt that it is the synagogue of 
Satan, and the head thereof, called the Pope, that man of sin 
of whom the Apostle speaks, than do I doubt that Jesus 
Christ suffered by the procurement of the visible Kirk of 
Jerusalem. Yea, I offer myself to prove, by word or writing, 
that the Roman Church is this day further degenerate from 
the purity which was in the days of the Apostles than was 
the Church of the Jews from the ordinance given by Moses, 
when it consented to the innocent death of Christ." 

These words were spoken in open audience, in the parish 
Kirk of Saint Andrews, after the said Dean John Annan had 
spoken as it pleased him, and had refused to dispute. The 
people, hearing the offer, cried with one consent, " We cannot 
all read your writings, but we may all hear your preaching ; 


therefore we require you, in the name of God, that ye let us 
hear the probation of that which ye have affirmed ; for if it be 
true, we have been miserably deceived." And so, the next 
Sunday was appointed to the said John to express his mind in 
the public preaching place. 

The day approaching, the said John took the text 
pbi? c rst written in Daniel, the seventh chapter, beginning 
jo e hK n nox thus : " And another King shall rise after them, and 
thrpldLh ne sna ^ be unlike unto the first, and he shall subdue 
Andrew?* three kings, and shall speak words against the Most 
High, and shall consume the saints of the Most High, 
and think that he may change times and laws. And they shall 
be given into his hands until a time, and times, and dividing 
of times." 

1. In the beginning of his sermon, he shewed the great love 
of God towards His Church, whom it pleaseth Him to fore 
warn of dangers to come, many years before they come to 
pass. 2. He briefly treated of the state of the Israelites, who 
then were in bondage in Babylon for the most part ; and made 
a short discourse concerning the four Empires, the Babylonian, 
the Persian, that of the Greeks, and that of the Romans ; in 
the destruction whereof rose up that last Beast, which he 
affirmed to . be the Roman Church, for all the notes that 
God hath shewn to the prophet do appertain to none other 
power than has ever yet been, except to it alone, and unto 
it they do so properly appertain, that such as are not more 
than blind may clearly see them. 3. But before he began to 
open the corruptions of the Papistry, he defined the true Kirk, 
shewed the true notes of it, whereupon it was builded, why it 
was the pillar of truth, and why it could not err, to wit, 
" Because it heard the voice of its own pastor, Jesus Christ, 
would not hear a stranger, neither yet would be carried about 
with every kind of doctrine." 

Every one of these heads sufficiently declared, he entered 
on the contrary proposition ; and, upon the notes given in his 
text, he shewed that the Spirit of God in the New Testament 
gave to this king other names, to wit, " The Man of Sin," " The 
Anti-Christ," " The Whore of Babylon." He shewed that this 

88 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

man of sin, or Anti-Christ, was not to be restricted to the 
person of any one man only, no more than by the fourth beast 
was to be understood the person of any one Emperor. But by 
such means the Spirit of God sought to forewarn His chosen 
of a body and a multitude having a wicked head, who should 
not only be sinful himself, but should be occasion of sin to 
all that should be subject unto him, as Christ Jesus, is 
cause of justice to all the members of His body. He is 
called the Anti-Christ, that is to say, one contrary to Christ, 
because he is contrary to Him in life, doctrine, laws, and 

Then began he to decipher the lives of divers Popes, and 
the lives of all the shavelings for the most part ; their doctrine 
and laws he plainly proved to be directly repugnant to the 
doctrine and laws of God the Father and of Christ Jesus, His 
Son. This he proved by comparing the doctrine of justification 
expressed in the Scriptures, which teach that man is " justified 
by faith only," and " that the blood of Jesus Christ purges us 
from all our sins ; " and the doctrine of the Papists, which 
attributeth justification to the works of the law, yea, to sucli 
works of man s invention as pilgrimage, pardons, and other 
such baggage. That the papistical laws were repugnant to 
the laws of the Evangel, he proved by the laws made con 
cerning observation of days, abstaining from meats, and from 
marriage which Christ Jesus made free, and the forbidding 
whereof Saint Paul called " the doctrine of devils." 

In handling the notes of that Beast, given in the text, he 
willed men to consider if these notes, " There shall one arise 
unlike to the other, having a mouth speaking great things and 
blasphemous," could be applied to any other but the Pope and 
his Kingdom ; for " if these," said he, " be not great words and 
blasphemous, the Successor of Peter/ the Vicar of Christ, 
c the Head of the Kirk/ Most Holy, Most Blessed, that 
cannot err ; that may make right of wrong, and wrong of 
right ; that of nothing, may make somewhat ; that hath all 
truth in the shrine of his breast ; yea, that has power over 
all, and none power over him ; nay, not to say that he does 
wrong, although he draw ten thousand million of souls with 


himself to hell : if these," said he, " and many other, able to 
be shown in his own canon law, be not grave and blasphemous 
words, and such as never mortal man spake before, let the 
world judge. 

"And yet," said he, " there is one note most evident of all. 
John, in his Revelation, says that the merchandise of that 
Babylonian harlot, among other things, shall be the bodies 
and souls of men. Now, let the very Papists themselves 
judge if ever any before them took upon them power to relax 
the pains of them that were in purgatory, as they affirm to the 
people that they do by the merits of their Mass and of their 
other trifles, daily." In the end, he said, " If any here " and 
there were present Master John Major, the University, the 
Sub-prior, and many Canons, with some Friars of both the 
Orders " will say that I have alleged Scripture, teaching, 
or history, otherwise than it is written, let them come unto 
me with sufficient witness, and by conference I shall let 
them see not only the original where my testimonies are 
written, but I shall prove that the writers meant what I have 

Of this sermon, which was the first that ever John 
Iomment le -^ llox mac ^ e i n public, there were divers bruits. Some 
sermon* s sa ^> " Others sned l the branches of the Papistry, but he 
strikes at the root, to destroy the whole." Others said, 
" If the doctors and Magistri Nostri do not now defend 
the Pope and his authority, which in their own presence is so 
manifestly impugned, the Devil may have my part of him, and 
of his laws also." Others said, " Master George Wishart spoke 
never so plainly, and yet he was burned : even so will he be." 
In the end, others said, " The tyranny of the Cardinal made 
not his cause the better, nor yet did the suffering of God s 
servant make his cause the worse, and therefore we would 
counsel you and them to provide better defences than fire and 
sword, for it may be that else ye will be disappointed. Men 
now have other eyes than they had then." This answer 
gave the Laird of Nydie, a man fervent and upright in 

1 Clip. 

9 o BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

The bastard Archbishop, who was not yet execrated 
iscaiied n on (consecrated, they call it) wrote to the Sub-prior at 
Us Doc- Saint Andrews, who, sede vacante, was Vicar-general, 
that he wondered that he suffered such heretical and 
schismatical doctrine to be taught, and did not oppose himself 
to the same. Upon this rebuke, there was appointed a Conven 
tion of Grey Friars and black fiends with the said Sub-prior, 
Dean John Winram, in Saint Leonard s yards. Thereunto was 
first called John Bough, and certain Articles were read unto him ; 
and thereafter was John Knox called for. The cause of their 
Convention, and why they were called, was set forth, and the 
following Articles were read : (1) No mortal man can be the 
head of the Church. (2) The Pope is an Anti-Christ, and so is 
no member of Christ s mystical body. (3) Man may neither 
make nor devise a religion that is acceptable to God : but man 
is bound to observe and keep the religion that from God is 
received, without chopping or changing thereof. (4) The 
Sacraments of the New Testament ought to be administered 
as they were instituted by Christ Jesus, and practised by His 
Apostles: nothing ought to be added unto them; nothing 
ought to be diminished from them. (5) The Mass is abomin 
able idolatry, blasphemous to the death of Christ, and a 
profanation of the Lord s Supper. (6) There is no purgatory 
in which the souls of men are pained or purged after this 
life. Heaven remains for the faithful, and hell for the 
reprobate and unthankful. (7) Praying for the dead is vain, 
and prayer to the dead is idolatry. (8) There are no bishops 
unless they preach themselves, without any substitute. 
(9) By God s law the teinds do not appertain of necessity to 
the Kirk-men. 

" The strangeness," said the Sub-prior, " of these Articles, 
which are gathered from your teaching, have moved us to 
call for you to hear your own answer." John Knox said, " I, 
for my part, praise my God that I see so honourable, and 
apparently so modest and quiet, an audience. But because it 
is long since I have heard that ye are one that is not ignorant 
of the truth, I must crave of you, in the name of God, yea, 
and I appeal to your conscience before that Supreme Judge 


that, if ye think any Article there expressed to be contrary 
unto the truth of God, ye oppose yourself plainly unto it, and 
suffer not the people to be therewith deceived. But if in your 
conscience ye know the doctrine to be true, then I will crave 
your patronage thereto, that, by your authority, the people 
may be moved the rather to believe the truth, whereof many 
doubt by reason of our youth." 

Sub-prior. I came not here as a judge, but only to talk 
familiarly, and therefore I will neither allow nor condemn ; 
but, if you like, I will reason. Why may not the Kirk, for 
good causes, devise ceremonies to decorate the Sacraments 
and other of God s services ? 

Knox. Because the Kirk ought to do nothing that is not 
of faith, and ought not to go before. She is bound to follow 
the voice of the true Pastor. 

Sub-prior. It is in faith that the ceremonies are com 
mended, and they have proper significations to help our faith. 
The hardess l in baptism signifies the richness of the law, and 
the oil the softness of God s mercy. Likewise, every one of 
the ceremonies has a godly signification, and therefore they 
both proceed from faith, and are done in faith. 

Knox. It is not enough that man invent a ceremony, and 
then give it a signification, according to his pleasure. The 
ceremonies of the Gentiles, and to-day the ceremonies of 
Mahomet, might be so justified. If anything proceed from 
faith, it must have the Word of God for assurance ; for ye are 
not ignorant that "faith comes by hearing, and hearing by 
the Word of God." Now, if ye would prove that your cere 
monies proceed from faith and do please God, ye must prove 
that God in expressed words has commanded them. Else ye 
shall never prove that they proceed from faith, nor yet that 
they please God. Ye will but show that they are sin, and do 
displease Him, according to the words of the apostle, " Whatso 
ever is not of faith is sin." 

Sub-prior. Will ye bind us so strait that we may do 
nothing without the express Word of God ? What ! If I ask 
a drink, do you think that I sin ? I have not God s Word for 

1 Harshness, 

92 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

this. (It would appear that he gave this answer to shift over 
the argument upon Friar Arbuckle.) 

Knox. I would we should not jest in so grave a matter ; 
neither would I that ye should begin to elude the truth witli 
sophistry ; but, if ye do, I will defend myself as best I can. 
As to your drinking, I say that, if ye either eat or drink with 
out assurance of God s Word, in so doing ye ill-please God, 
and ye sin in your very eating and drinking. For, says the 
Apostle, speaking even of meat and drink, " the creatures are 
sanctified unto man, even by the Word and by prayer." The 
word is this : <l All things are clean to the clean," and so forth. 
Now, let me hear thus much of your ceremonies, and I shall 
give you the argument ; but I wonder that ye compare profane 
and holy things so indiscreetly. The question was not, and is 
not of meat and drink, wherein the Kingdom of God consists 
not, but the question is of God s true worshipping, without 
which we have no society with God. It is doubtful if, in the 
use of Christ s Sacraments, we may take the same freedom as 
we may do in eating and drinking. One meat I may eat, 
another I may refuse, and that without scruple of conscience. 
I may change one for another, as often as I please. May we 
do the same in matters of religion ? May we cast away what 
we please, and retain what we please ? If I recollect aright, 
Moses, in the name of God, says to the people of Israel, " All 
that the Lord thy God commands thee to do, that do thou to 
the Lord thy God : add nothing to it ; diminish nothing from 
it." By this rule, I think, the Kirk of Christ should measure 
God s religion, and not by that which seems good in their own 

Sul-prior. Forgive me, I spake but in mows, 1 and I was 
dry. And now, Father (said he to the Friar), follow the 
argument. Ye have heard what I have said, and what is 
answered unto me again. 

Arbuclde, Greyfriar. I shall prove plainly that ceremonies 
are ordained by God. 

Knox. Such as God has ordained, we allow, and with 
reverence we use them. But the question is of those that 

1 Jest. 



God has not ordained, such as, in Baptism, are spittle, salt, 
candle, cuid l (except to keep the bairn from cold), hardess, oil, 
and the rest of the papistical inventions. 

Arbuckle. I will even prove that these ye damn be ordained 
of God. 

Knox. The proof thereof I would gladly hear. 

Arbuckle. Says not Saint Paul, that " another foundation 
than Jesus Christ may no man lay. But upon this foundation 
some build gold, silver, and precious stones ; some hay, stubble, 
and wood." The gold, silver, and precious stones are the 
ceremonies of the Church, which do abide the fire, and con 
sume not away. This place of Scripture is most plain. 

Knox. I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, for I find 
His promise sure, true, and stable. Christ Jesus bids us 
" not fear, when we shall be called before men, to give con 
fession of His truth ; " for He promises that " it shall be given 
unto us in that hour what we shall speak." If I had sought 
the whole Scripture, I could not have produced a place more 
proper for my purpose, nor more potent to confound you. 
Now, to your argument. The Ceremonies of the Kirk, say ye, 
are gold, silver, and precious stones, because they are able to 
abide the fire : but I would learn of you, what fire is it that 
your Ceremonies abide ? And in the meantime, until ye be 
advised how to answer, I will show my mind, and make an 
argument against yours upon the same text. First, I have 
heard the text adduced for a proof of purgatory; but for 
defence of Ceremonies, I have never heard or yet read of its 
use. Omitting whether ye understand the mind of the Apostle 
or not, I make my argument, and say, that which may abide 
the fire may abide the Word of God. Your Ceremonies cannot 
abide the Word of God : ergo they cannot abide the fire ; and 
if they cannot abide the fire, they are not gold, silver, nor 
precious stones. Now, if ye find any ambiguity in the term 
"fire," which I interpret to be the Word, find me a fire by 
the which things builded upon Jesus Christ should be tried, 
other than God and His Word, which are both called iire in 
the Scriptures, and I shall correct my argument. 

1 Chrisom. 

94 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

Arbuckle. I stand not thereupon ; but I deny your minor 
argument, to wit, that our Ceremonies may not abide the trial 
of God s Word. 

Knox. I prove that that which God s Word condemns, 
abides not the trial of God s Word. But God s Word con 
demns your Ceremonies : therefore they do not abide the trial 
thereof. As the thief abides the trial of the inquest, and is 
thereby condemned to be hanged, even so may your Cere 
monies abide the trial of God s Word, but not otherwise. And 
now I make plain in few words that wherein ye may seem 
to doubt, to wit, that God s Word damns your Ceremonies. 
This thing is evident; for the plain and straight command 
ment of God is, " Not that thing which appears good in thy 
eyes shalt thou do to the Lord thy God, but what the Lord 
thy God has commanded thee, that do thou : add nothing to 
it ; diminish nothing from it." Now, unless ye be able to 
prove that God has commanded your Ceremonies, this His 
former commandment will damn both you and them. 

The Friar, somewhat abashed what first to answer, fell into 
a foul mire while he wandered about in the mist : for, alleging 
that we may not be so bound by the Word, he affirmed that 
the Apostles had not received the Holy Ghost when they did 
write their Epistles ; but that they did ordain the Ceremonies 
after they received Him. (Few would have thought that so 
learned a man would have given so foolish an answer; and 
yet it is even as true as that he bare a grey cowl.) John 
Knox, hearing the answer, started and said, " If that be true, 
I have long been in an error, and I think I shall die therein." 
The Sub-prior said to him, " Father, what say ye ? God forbid 
that ye affirm that ; for then farewell the ground of our faith." 
The Friar, astonished, made the best shift that he could to 
correct his fall; but it could not be. John Knox brought 
him often again to the ground of the argument; but he would 
never answer directly, but ever fled to the authority of the 
Kirk. Thereto the said John answered oftener than once 
that "the spouse of Christ had neither power nor authority 
against the Word of God." Then said the Friar, " If so be, 
ye will leave us no Kirk." " Indeed," said the other, " in 


David I read that there is a church of the malignants, for 
he says, Odi ecclesiam malignantium! That church ye may 
have without the Word, and therein ye may do many things 
directly fighting against the Word of God. If ye choose to 
be of that Church, I cannot impede you. But, as for me, I 
will be of none other Church than that which hath Christ 
Jesus to be pastor, which hears His voice, and will not hear 
a stranger." 

In this Disputation many other things were merely skiffed 
over; for the Friar, after his fall, could speak nothing to a 
purpose. For purgatory he had no better proof than the 
authority of Virgil in his sixth .ZEneid ; and the pains thereof 
to him were an evil wife. How John Knox answered that 
and many other things, he did witness in a treatise that he- 
wrote in the galleys. This contained the sum of his doctrine 
and the confession of his faith, and was sent to his familiars 
in Scotland ; with the exhortation that they should continue 
in the truth which they had professed, notwithstanding any 
worldly adversity that might ensue. Thus much of the Dis 
putation have we inserted here, to the intent that men may 
see how Satan ever travails to obscure the light ; and how God 
by His power, working in His weak vessels, confounds his craft 
and discloses his darkness. 

After this, neither Papists nor Friars had great heart for 
further disputation or reasoning; but they invented another 
shift, which appeared to proceed from godliness. It was an 
ordinance that learned men in the Abbey and in the University 
should preach in the Parish Kirk, Sunday about. The Sub- 
prior began, next came the Official called Spittal (sermons 
penned to offend no man), and all the rest followed in their 
ranks. John Knox smelled out the craft, and in the sermons 
which he made upon the week-days he prayed to God that 
they should be as busy in preaching when there should be 
more myster 1 in it than there was then. "Always," said lie, 
" I praise God that Christ Jesus is preached, and nothing is 
said publicly against the doctrine ye have heard. If in niy 
absence they shall speak anything which in my presence they 

1 Skill. 

96 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

do not, I protest that ye suspend your judgment until it please 
God ye hear me again." 

God so assisted his weak soldier, and so blessed his 
foifow the labours, that not only all those of the Castle, but also 
of John a great number of the town, openly professed Christ, 
the Back- by participation at the Lord s Table, in the same 

sliding- of J ., ., . , . . , , . 

sir james purity as now it is administered in the churches ot 
Scotland. Among them was he that now either rules, 
or misrules, Scotland : Sir James Balfour l (sometimes called 
Master James), the chief and principal Protestant that then 
was to be found in this realm. We write this because we 
have heard that the said Master James alleges that he 
never was of this our religion, but was brought up in 
Martin Luther s opinion of the Sacrament, and therefore 
cannot communicate with us. His own conscience, and two 
hundred witnesses besides, know that he lies, and that he 
was one of the chief that would have given his life, if men 
might credit his words, for defence of the doctrine that the 
said John Knox taught. But there is no great wonder if those 
that never were of us (as none of Montquhanie s sons have 
shewn themselves to be) depart from us. It is proper and 
natural that the children follow the father ; and let the godly 
liver of that race and progeny be shewn. If in them be either 
fear of God or love of virtue, further than the present com 
modity persuades them, men of judgment are deceived. But 
to return to our History. 

The The priests and bishops, enraged at these pro- 

anf the ceedhigs in Saint Andrews, ran now to the Governor, 
DowT er now ^ ^ ne Queen, 2 now to the whole Council, and 
A la oin? e th ere might have been heard complaints and cries, 
French* " ^ na ^ are we doing ? Shall we suffer this whole 
Army realm to be infected with pernicious doctrine ? Fie 

comes to * 

their Aid. upon you, and fie upon us." The Queen and Monsieur 
D Oysel (who then was a secretis mulierum in the Court) 
comforted them, and counselled them to be quiet, because 

1 Afterwards Official of Lothian: "the most corrupt man of his age."- 

- Mary of Lorraine, Queen of James V. 


they should see remedy before long. And so it proved ; for upon 
the second last day of June there appeared in sight of the Castle 
of Saint Andrews twenty-one French galleys, with a powerful 
army, the like whereof was never seen in that firth before. 

By these means the Governor, the Archbishop, the Queen 
and Monsieur D Oysel had treasonably broken the terms of the 
Appointment. To excuse their treason, they had, eight days 
before, presented to the party in the Castle of St. Andrews an 
absolution bearing to be sent from Rome, containing, after the 
aggravation of the crime, this clause, Remittimus Irremissible, 
that is, we remit the crime that cannot be remitted. When 
this had been considered by the most of the company that was 
in the Castle, answer was given that the Governor and Council 
of the Realm had promised them a sufficient and assured ab 
solution, such as that did not appear to be ; and that therefore 
they could not deliver the house, nor did they think that any 
reasonable man would require them so to do, considering that 
the promise made had not been truly kept. 

On the day after the galleys arrived, the house was sum 
moned. This was denied, and they prepared for siege. They 
began to assault by sea, and shot for two days. But they 
neither got advantage nor honour ; for they dang x the slates 
off houses, but neither slew man nor did harm to any wall. The 
Castle handled them so that Saint Barbara (the gunners goddess) 
helped them nothing ; for they lost many of their rowers, men 
chained in the galleys, and some soldiers, both by sea and land. 
And further, a galley that approached nearer than the rest was 
so dung with the cannon and other ordnance, that she was 
stopped under water, and so almost drowned. Indeed, so she 
would have been, were it not that the rest gave her succour in 
time, and drew her first to the west sands, beyond the shot of 
the Castle, and thereafter to Dundee. There they remained 
until the Governor, who then was at the siege of Langhope, 
came unto them, with the rest of the French faction. 

By land the siege of the Castle of St. Andrews was made 
complete on the nineteenth day of July. Trenches were cast ; 
and ordnance was planted upon the Abbey Kirk, and upon 

1 Knocked. 


98 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

Saint Salvator s College. This so annoyed the Castle that they 
could keep neither their block-houses, the sea tower head, nor 
the west wall ; for in all these places men were slain by great 
ordnance. Yea, they mounted the ordnance so high upon the 
Abbey Kirk, that they might discover the ground of the close 
in divers places. Moreover, the pest was within the Castle, 
and divers died thereof. This affrighted some that were 
therein more than did the external force without. John 
Knox was of another opinion, for he ever said that their 
corrupt life could not escape the punishment of God : that he 
continually asserted, from the time that he was called to 
preach. When they triumphed of their victory, and during 
the first twenty days they had many prosperous chances, he 
lamented, and ever said that they saw not what he saw. 
When they bragged of the strength and thickness of their 
walls, he said that they should prove but egg-shells. When 
they vaunted, " England will rescue us," he said, " Ye shall not 
see them ; but ye shall be delivered into your enemies hands, 
and shall be carried to a strange country." 

Upon the second last day of July, at night, the ord- 
S h sto^m S ed e nance was planted for the assault ; nineteen cannons, 
renders" whereof four were cannons - royal, called double 
itrins cannons, besides other pieces. The cannonade began 
at four o clock in the morning, and before ten o clock of 
the day, the whole south quarter, betwixt the fore- tower and 
the east block-house, was made assaultable. The lower trance 
was condemned, divers were slain in it, and the east block 
house was shot off from the rest of the place between ten and 
eleven o clock. Then fell a shower of rain that continued 
nearly an hour. The like of it had seldom been seen. It was 
so vehement that no man might abide without shelter. The 
cannons were left alone. Some within the Castle were of 
opinion that men should have ished, 1 and put all in the hands 
of God. But because William Kirkaldy was coming with the 
Prior of Capua, on commission from the King of France, 
nothing was enterprised. And so an Appointment was made, 
and the Castle surrendered upon Saturday, the last of July. 

] Sallied forth. 


The heads of the Appointment were : That the lives 
of all within the Castle should be saved, as well English as 
Scottish. That they should be safely transported to France ; 
and in case that, upon conditions that should be offered unto 
them by the King of France, they could not be content to 
remain in service and freedom there, they should, upon the 
expense of the King of France, be safely conveyed to such 
country as they should require, other than Scotland. They 
would have nothing to do with the Governor, nor with any 
Scotsman ; for these had all traitorously betrayed them, " and 
this," said the Laird of Grange, elder, a simple man of most 
stout courage, " I am assured God will revenge before long." 
The The galleys, well furnished with the spoil of the 

ofthe any Castle, returned to France, after certain days. Escap 
ing a great danger (for they all chapped 2 upon the 
back of the Sands), they arrived first at Fecamp, 
k n nd the 30 " anc ^ thereaf ter passed up the water of Seine, and lay 
Galleys, before Eouen. There the principal gentlemen, who 
looked for freedom, were dispersed, and put in sundry prisons. 
The rest were left in the galleys, and there miserably treated. 
Amongst these was the foresaid Master James Balfour, with 
his two brethren, David and Gilbert, men without God. We 
write this because we hear that the said Master James, 
principal misguider now of Scotland, denies that he had 
anything to do with the Castle of St. Andrews, or that ever 
he was in the galleys. In breach of express promises (but 
Princes have no fidelity further than for their own advantage), 
these things were done at Eouen, and then the galleys departed 
to Nantes, in Brittany, where they lay upon the water of Loire 
the whole winter. 

The Then was the joy of the Papists both of Scotland 

and France in full perfection ; for this was their song 

Of triumph- 

the Pope s Priests content ye noo ; priests content ye noo ; 

Thanks. p or Xorman and his company has filled the galleys fern. 

The Pope wrote his letters to the King of France, and to the 
Governor of Scotland, thanking them heartily for taking pains 

1 Struck. 

ioo BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

to revenge the death of his kind creature, the Cardinal of 
Scotland ; and desiring them to continue in their severity as 
they had begun, that such things should not be attempted 
again. And so were all these that were taken in the Castle 
condemned to perpetual prison ; and the ungodly believed that 
Christ Jesus should never have triumphed in Scotland after that. 
In Scotland, that summer, there was nothing but mirth ; 
for all things went with the priests, at their own pleasure. 
The Castle of St. Andrews was rased to the ground, the block 
houses thereof were cast down, and the walls round about were 
demolished. Whether this was done to fulfil their law, which 
commands that places where Cardinals are slain shall so be 
used, or else for fear that England should have taken it, as 
afterwards they took Broughty Craig, we remit to the judg 
ment of such as were consulted. 

This same year, 1547, in the beginning of Sep- 
tember, an army of ten thousand men from England 

invades 6 entered Scotland, by land, and some ships with 
ordnance came by sea. The Governor and the Arch 
bishop, informed of this, gathered together the forces of Scotland 
and assembled at Edinburgh. The Protector of England, with 
the Earl of Warwick, and their army, remained at Preston, 
and about Prestonpans : for they had certain offers to propose 
unto the nobility of Scotland. These concerned the promises 
formerly made by them to King Harry. Before his death, he 
had gently required them to stand fast ; and had undertaken 
that, if they would do so, they should have no trouble from 
him or his kingdom, but rather the help and comfort that he 
could give them in all things lawful. On this subject, a letter 
was now directed to the Governor and Council ; but this fell 
into the hands of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, who, think 
ing that it could not be for his advantage that it should be 
divulged, suppressed it by his craft. 

Upon Friday, the ninth of September, the English 

The Battle , , J . , T .,, j ,, o ... , 

of Pinkie army marched towards Leith, and the Scottish army 

marched from Edinburgh to Inveresk. The whole 

Scottish army was not assembled, and yet skirmishing began ; 

for nothing was expected but victory without a stroke. The 


Protector, the Earl of Warwick, the Lord Gray, and all the 
English captains were playing at the dice : no men were 
stouter than the priests and canons, with their shaven crowns 
and black jacks. The Earl of Warwick and the Lord Gray, 
who had the chief charge of the horsemen, perceiving the 
host to be molested by the Scottish prickers, and that the 
multitude were neither under order nor obedience (for they 
were divided from the great army), sent forth certain troops 
of horsemen, and some of their borderers, either to fight them, 
or else to put them out of their sight, so that they might 
not annoy the host. The skirmish grew hot, and at length 
the Scotsmen gave back, and fled without once turning. The 
chase continued far, both towards the east and towards the 
west. Many were slain, and he that now is Lord Home was 
afterwards surrendered to the Englishmen. The loss of these 
men neither moved the Governor, nor yet the Archbishop, his 
bastard brother. They would revenge the matter well enough 
upon the morrow ; for they were hands enough (no word of 
God) : the English heretics had no faces ; they would not 

Upon the Saturday, the armies of both sides arrayed 
themselves. The English army took the mid part of Falside 
Hill, having their ordnance planted before them, and their 
ships and two galleys brought as near the land as the water 
would allow. The Scottish army stood at first in a reasonably 
strong position and in good order, having betwixt them and 
the English army the water of Esk, otherwise called Mussel- 
burgh Water. At length, on the Governor s behalf, with 
sound of trumpet, order was given that all men should march 
forward, and go over the water. Some say that this was pro 
cured by the Abbot of Dunfermline, and Master Hugh Rigg, for 
preservation of Carberry. Men of judgment did not like the 
move; for they thought it no wisdom to leave their strong 
position. But commandment upon commandment, and charge 
upon charge were given, and, thus urged, they obeyed un 
willingly. The Earl of Angus was in the vanguard, and had 
in his company the gentlemen of Fife, Angus, Mearns, and the 
Westland, with many others that for love resorted to him 

102 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

and especially those that were professors of the Evangel ; for 
they supposed that England would not make great pursuit of 
him. He passed first through the water, and arrayed his 
host directly before the enemies. The Earl of Huntly, and his 
Northland men followed. Last came the Duke, having in his 
company the Earl of Argyll, with his own friends, and the 
body of the realm. 

The Englishmen, perceiving the danger, and that the 
Scotsmen intended to take the top of the hill, made haste to 
prevent the peril. The Lord Gray was commanded to give 
the charge with his men of arms. This he did, albeit the 
hazard was very unlikely ; for the Earl of Angus s host stood 
even as a wall. These received the first assaulters upon the 
points of their spears (which were longer than those of the 
Englishmen) so rudely that fifty horse and men of the first 
rank lay dead at once, without any hurt being done to this 
Scots army, except that the spears of the two foremost ranks 
were broken. This discomfiture received, the rest of the 
horsemen fled ; yea, some passed beyond Falside Hill. The 
Lord Gray himself was hurt in the mouth, and plainly refused 
to charge again ; for, he said, " It was like running against a 
wall." The galleys, the ships, and the ordnance planted upon 
the mid hill shot terribly. The cross-fire of the ordnance 
of the galleys affrighted the Scots army wondrously. While 
every man laboured to draw from the north, whence the 
danger appeared, they began to reel, and at that point the 
English footmen were marching forward, albeit some of their 
horsemen were in flight. The Earl of Angus s army stood 
still, expecting that either Huntly or the Duke would ren 
counter the next battle ; but it had been decreed that the 
favourers of England, and the heretics, as the priests called 
them, and the Englishmen should have the struggle to them 
selves for the day. 

Panic arose, and, in an instant, those who before were 
victors and were not yet assaulted with any force, except with 
ordnance, as we have said, cast their spears from them and 
fled. Thus was God s power so evidently seen, that in one 
moment, yea, in one instant, both the armies were fleeing. 



From the hill, from those that hoped for no victory upon the 
English part, the shout arose, " They flee, they flee." At the 
first it could not be believed, but at last it was clearly seen 
that all had given back ; and then began a cruel slaughter, 
which was the greater by reason of the late displeasure of the 
men at arms. 

The chase and slaughter extended almost to Edinburgh, 
upon the one part, and be-west Dalkeith upon the other. 
The number of the slain upon the Scottish side was judged to 
be nigh ten thousand men. The Earl of Huntly was taken, 
and carried to London ; but he relieved himself, being surety 
for many ransoms. Whether he did so honestly or un- 
honestly we know not; but, as the bruit passed, he used 
policy with England. In the same battle was slain the 
Master of Erskine, dearly beloved of the Queen, who made 
great lamentation for him, and bare his death in mind for 
many days. When the certainty of the discomfiture came, 
she was in Edinburgh, waiting for tidings ; but with expedi 
tion she posted that same night to Stirling, with Monsieur 
D Oysel, who was as fleyed l as "a fox when his hole is 
smoked." Thus did God take the second revenge upon the 
perjured Governor and such as assisted him to defend an 
unjust quarrel; albeit many innocents fell with the wicked. 
The English army came to Leith, and, after securing their 
prisoners and spoil, returned to England with this unlooked- 
for victory. 

During the following winter, great hardships were inflicted 
upon all the Borders of Scotland. Broughty Craig was taken 
by the Englishmen, besieged by the Governor, but still kept. 
There Gavin, the best of the Hamiltons, was slain, and the 
ordnance lost. The Englishmen, encouraged, began to fortify 
the hill above Broughty House. The position was called the 
Fort of Broughty, and was very noisome 2 to Dundee. This it 
burned and laid waste ; as it did the most part of Angus, 
which was not assured and under friendship with England. 

At the Easter following, Haddington was fortified by the 
Englishmen. The most part of Lothian, from Edinburgh east, 

1 Scared. 2 Troublesome. 

io 4 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

was either assured or laid waste. Thus did God plague in 
every quarter ; but men were blind, and would not, or could 
not, consider the cause. The Lairds of Ormiston and Brim 
stone were banished, and afterwards forfeited, and so were all 
those of the Castle of St. Andrews. 

The sure knowledge of the troubles of Scotland coming to 
France, there was prepared a navy and army. The navy was 
such as never was seen to come from France for the support of 
Scotland. . . . They arrived in Scotland in May 1549. Pre 
parations were made for the siege of Haddington ; but it was 
another thing that they meant, as the issue declared. 

The whole body of the realm having assembled, 
Pariia- the form of a Parliament was held in the Abbey of 
Hadding- Haddington. The principal head was the marriage to 
Queen the King of France of the Princess, who had formerly 
8 been contracted to King Edward ; and her immediate 

transfer to France, by reason of the danger to her 
from the invasion of our old enemies of England. Some 
were corrupted with buds, 1 some were deceived by nattering 
promises, and some for fear were compelled to consent, for 
the French soldiers were the officers of arms in that Parlia 
ment. The Laird of Buccleuch, a bloody man, sware, with 
many " God s wounds," that " they that would not consent 
should do worse." The Governor got the Duchy of Chatel- 
herault, with the order of the Cockle, a full discharge of all 
intromissions with the treasure and substance of King James 
the Fifth, and possession of the Castle of Dumbarton, until 
issue of the Queen s body should be seen. Upon these and 
other conditions, he stood content to sell his sovereign. 
Huntly, Argyll, and Angus were likewise made knights of the 
Cockle ; and, for that and other good deeds received, they also 
sold their interest. In short, none was found to resist that 
unjust demand ; and so the Queen was sold to go to France, to 
the end that in her youth she should drink of the liquor that 
should remain with her all her lifetime, for a plague to this 
realm, and for her final destruction. Therefore, albeit there 
now comes out from her a fire that consumes many, let no 

1 Gifts ; bribes. 


man wonder. She is the hand of God, who, in His displeasure, 
is punishing our former ingratitude. . . . 

Once it was decided that our Queen, without 
of Had ege further delay, should be delivered to France, the siege 
continued. There was great shooting, but no assault 
ing ; and yet they had fair occasion offered unto them. For 
the Englishmen, approaching the town with powder, victuals, 
and men for the comforting of the besieged, lost an army of 
six thousand men. Sir Eobert Bowes was taken prisoner, and 
the most part of the Borderers were either captured or slain. 
The town might justly have despaired of any further succour, 
but yet it held good ; for the stout courage and prudent 
government of General Sir James Wilford did so inspire the 
whole captains and soldiers that they determined to die upon 
their walls. From the time that the Frenchmen had gotten 
the bone for which the dog barked, the pursuit of the town 
was slow. The siege was raised, and the Queen was con 
veyed by the west seas to France ; and so the Cardinal of 
Lorraine got her into his keeping, a morsel meet for his own 
mouth. . . . 

That winter Monsieur de Desse remained in Scotland with 
the xbands of Frenchmen. They fortified Inveresk, to prevent 
the English from invading Edinburgh and Leith. Some 
skirmishes there were betwixt the one and the other, but no 
notable thing was done, except that the French almost took 
Haddington, as we shall see. 

Thinking themselves more than masters in all 
French parts of Scotland, and in Edinburgh principally, the 
Arrogance French thought that they could do no wrong to any 
French Scotsman. A certain Frenchman having delivered a 
culverin to George Tod, a Scotsman, to be stocked, he 
was bringing it through the street, when another Frenchman 
claimed it. He would have reft it from the said George ; but 
he resisted, alleging that the Frenchman did wrong. Parties 
began to assemble to succour of the Scotsman, as well as 
to that of the Frenchman. Two of the Frenchmen were 
stricken down, and the rest were chased from the Cross to 
Niddrie s Wynd head. The Provost, being upon the street, 

106 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

apprehended two of the French, and was carrying them to 
the Tolbooth ; when from Monsieur de Desse"s lodging and 
close issued forth Frenchmen, to the number of threescore 
persons. These, with drawn swords, resisted the said Provost. 
But the town, assembling, repulsed them, until they came to 
the Nether Bow. There Monsieur de La Chapelle, with the 
whole bands of Frenchmen in arms, rencountered the said 
Provost and repulsed him (for the town was without weapons 
for the most part), and then attacked all that they met. In 
the throat of the Bow were slain David Kirke and David 
Barbour, who were at the Provost s back, and then were slain 
the said Provost himself, who was Laird of Stenhouse and 
captain of the Castle, James Hamilton, his son, William 
Chapman, a godly man, Master William Stewart, William 
Purves, and a woman, named Elizabeth Stewart. Thereafter 
the soldiers tarried within the town, by force, from five o clock 
until after seven at night, and then retired to the Canongate, as 
to their receptacle and refuge. 

The whole town, yea, the Governor and Nobility, com moved 
at the unworthiness of this bold attempt, craved justice upon 
the malefactors, and threatened that they would otherwise 
execute justice on the whole. The Queen, craftily enough, 
Monsieur de Desse, and Monsieur D Oysel laboured for pacifi 
cation, and did promise that " unless the Frenchmen, by them 
selves alone, should do such an act as might recompense the 
wrong that they had done, they should not refuse that justice 
should be executed, with rigour." 

These fair words pleased our fools, and the French bands 
were the next night directed to Haddington. They approached 
the town a little after midnight, so secretly that they were 
never espied until the foremost were within the base court, and 
the whole company in the churchyard, not two pair of butt- 
lengths from the town. The soldiers, Englishmen, were all 
asleep, except the watch, which was slender, and yet the shout 
was raised, " Bows and bills : bows and bills," which in all towns 
of war signifies need of extreme defence, to avoid present danger. 
The affrighted arose ; weapons that first came to hand serving 
for the need. One amongst many came to the east port, where 


lay two great pieces of ordnance, and where the enemies were 
known to be. Crying to his fellows that were at the gate 
making defence, " Ware before," he fired a great piece, and 
thereafter another. God so conducted this discharge that, 
after it, no further pursuit was made. The bullets rebounded 
from the wall of the Friar Kirk, to the wall of St. Catherine s 
Chapel, which stood directly foment it, and from the wall of the 
Chapel to the Kirk wall again, so often that there fell more 
than a hundred of the French, at those two shots only. The 
firing was continued, but the French retired with diligence, 
and returned to Edinburgh, without harm done, except the 
destruction of some drinking beer, which lay in the said Chapel 
and Kirk. Herein was ample satisfaction for the slaughter of 
the said captain and Provost, and for the slaughter of such as 
were slain with him. This was the beginning of the French 

This winter also did the Laird of Eaith most innocently 
suffer, the head of the said nobleman being stricken from him ; 
especially because he was known to be one that unfeignedly 
favoured the truth of God s Word, and was a great friend to 
those that were in the Castle of St. Andrews. Of their 
deliverance, and of God s wondrous working with them during 
the time of their bondage, we must now speak, lest, in sup 
pressing the record of so notable a work of God, we might 
justly be accused of ingratitude. 

The principals being confined in several houses, as 
Scots before we have said, there was great labour to make 
in France, them have a good opinion of the Mass. Chiefly was 
D n e iiver- r there travail with Norman Leslie, the Laird of Grange, 


and the Laird of Pitmilly, who were in the Castle 
of Cherbourg. Pressed to go to Mass with the captain, they 
answered that " The captain had commandment to keep their 
bodies, but he had no power to command their conscience." 
The captain replied that " He had power to command and to 
compel them to go where he would." They answered that 
" They would not refuse to go to any lawful place with him ; 
but they would not, either for him or for the King, do any 
thing that was against their conscience." The captain said, 

io8 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

" Will ye not go to the Mass ? " They answered, " No ; and 
if ye would compel us, we will displease you further ; for we 
will so use ourselves there that all those that are present shall 
know that we despite it." 

Similar answers, and somewhat sharper, did William 
Kirkaldy, Peter Carmichael, and such as were with them 
in Mount St. Michael, give to their captain; for they said 
they would not only hear Mass every day, but that they would 
help to say it, provided that they might stick the priests. 
Master Henry Balnaves, who was in the Castle of Kouen, was 
most sharply assaulted of all ; for, because he was judged 
learned, learned men were appointed to travail with him, and 
with them he had many conflicts. But, God so assisting him, 
they departed confounded, and he, by the power of God s 
Spirit, remained constant in the truth and profession of the 
same, without any wavering or declining to idolatry. 

These that were in the galleys were threatened with 
torments, if they would not give reverence to the Mass ; but 
the French could never make the poorest of that company 
give reverence to that idol. Yea, when, upon the Saturday 
night, they sang their Salve Eegina, the whole Scotsmen put 
on their caps, their hoods, or such things as they had to 
cover their heads ; and when others were compelled to kiss a 
painted board, which they called " Notre Dame," they were 
not pressed more than once ; for this was what happened. 
Soon after the arrival at Nantes, their great Salve was sung, 
and a glorious painted Lady was brought to be kissed, and was 
presented to one of the Scotsmen then chained, amongst others. 
He gently said, " Trouble me not ; such an idol is accursed ; 
and therefore I will not touch it." The patron and the 
arguesyn l with two officers, having the chief charge of all such 
matters, said, " Thou shalt handle it ; " and so they violently 
thrust it to his face, and put it betwixt his hands. He, seeing 
the extremity, took the idol, and advisedly looking about, cast 
it into the river, saying, "Let our Lady now save herself: she 
is light enough; let her learn to swim." After that no Scots 
man was urged with that idolatry. 

1 Skipper and the lieutenant. 



These are things that appear to be of no great importance ; 
and yet, if we do rightly consider, they express the same 
obedience as God required of His people Israel when they 
should be carried to Babylon. He gave charge unto them 
that, when they should see the Babylonians worship their gods 
of gold, silver, metal, and wood, they should say, " The gods 
that have not made the heaven and the earth shall perish from 
the heaven, and out of the earth." 

Master James Balfour being in the same galley as 
prophesies John Knox, and being wondrously familiar with him, 
his con- would often ask his opinion whether he thought that 
Go e <?s e De- they should ever be delivered. His answer ever was, 
from the day that they entered the galleys, that God, 
for His own glory, would deliver them from that bondage, 
even in this life. The second time that the galleys returned 
to Scotland, when they were lying betwixt Dundee and St. 
Andrews, and the said John was so extremely sick that few 
hoped his life, the said Master James willed him to look to 
the land, and asked if he knew it ? He answered, " Yes, I 
know it well ; for I see the steeple of the place in which God 
first in public opened my mouth to His glory. I am fully 
persuaded that, however weak I may now appear, I shall not 
depart this life until my tongue shall glorify His godly name 
in the same place." The said Master James reported this in 
presence of many famous witnesses, many years before the 
said John set his foot in Scotland this last time. 

William Kirkaldy, then younger of Grange, Peter Car- 
michael, Eobert and William Leslie, who were all together in 
Mount St. Michael, wrote to the said John, asking his counsel 
as to whether they might, with safe conscience, break their 
prison ? His answer was that if, without the blood of ar>y 
shed or spilt by them for their deliverance, they could set 
themselves at freedom, they might safely take it : but that he 
would never consent to their shedding any man s blood for 
their freedom. He added, further, that he was assured that 
God would deliver them and the rest of that company, even 
in the eyes of the world ; but not by such means as we had 
looked for ; that was, by the force of friends or by their other 

no BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

labours. He affirmed that they should not be delivered by 
such means, but that God would so work in the deliverance 
of them, that the praise thereof should redound to His glory 
only. He therefore urged every one to take any occasion for 
deliverance that God might offer, provided that nothing was 
done against God s express commandment. 

John Knox was the more earnest in giving his counsel, 
because the old Laird of Grange, and others, were averse from 
their purpose, fearing lest the escaping of the others should be 
an occasion of their own worse treatment. Thereto the said 
John answered that such fear proceeded not from God s Spirit, 
but only from a blind love of self. No good purpose was to 
be stayed for things that were in the hands and power of God. 
In one instant, he added, God delivered all that company into 
the hands of unfaithful men, but so would He not relieve them. 
Some would He deliver by one means, and at one time, and 
others must, for a season, abide upon His good pleasure. In 
the end, they embraced this counsel. Upon the King s Even, 
when Frenchmen commonly drink liberally, the foresaid four 
persons, having the help and conduct of a boy of the house, 
bound all those that were in the Castle, put them in sundry 
houses, locked the doors upon them, took the keys from the 
captain, and departed without harm done to the person of 
any, or without touching anything that appertained to the 
King, the Captain, or the house. 

Great search was made through the whole country for 
them. But it was God s good pleasure so to conduct them 
that they escaped the hands of the faithless, albeit it was with 
long travail, and endurance of great pain and poverty ; for the 
French boy left them, and took with him the small poise that 
they had. Having neither money, nor knowledge of the 
country, and fearing that the boy should discover them, as 
in very deed he did, of purpose they divided themselves, 
changed their garments, and went in sundry parties. The two 
brethren, William and Eobert Leslie (who now are become, 
the said Eobert especially, enemies to Christ Jesus and 
to all virtue) came to Eouen. William Kirkaldy and Peter 
Carmichael, in beggars garments, came to Le Conquet, and 


for the space of twelve or thirteen weeks they travelled as 
poor mariners, from port to port, till at length they got a 
French ship, and landed in the west. From thence they came 
to England, where they met with the said John Knox, he and 
Alexander Clark having been delivered that same winter. 

The said John was first appointed preacher to 

Berwick, then to Newcastle ; and lastly, he was called 
Continent! to London and the south parts of England, where 

he remained until the death of King Edward the 
Sixth. Then he left England, and went to Geneva, where he 
remained in his private study, until he was called to be 
preacher to the English congregation at Frankfort. This call 
he obeyed, albeit unwillingly, at the commandment of that 
notable servant of God, John Calvin. He remained at Frank 
fort until some of the learned, more given to unprofitable 
ceremonies than to sincerity of religion, began to quarrel with 
him. These men, because they despaired of prevailing before 
the magistrate there in the overt purpose of establishing their 
corruptions, accused him of treason committed against the 
Emperor, and against their sovereign Queen Mary, in that, 
in his Admonition to England, he called the one little inferior 
to Nero, and the other more cruel than Jezebel. The magis 
trate, perceiving their malice and fearing that the said John 
should fall into the hands of his accusers by one means or 
another, gave secret warning to him to depart from the city ; 
for they could not save him if he were required by the 
Emperor, or by the Queen of England, in the Emperor s name. 
So the said John returned to Geneva, from thence to Dieppe, 
and thereafter to Scotland, as we shall hear. 

In the winter that the galleys remained in Scotland, there 
were delivered Master James Balfour, his two brethren, David 
and Gilbert, John Auchinleck, John Sibbald, John Gray, 
William Guthrie, and Stephen Bell. The gentlemen that 
remained in prisons were, by the procurement of the Queen- 
Dowager, set at liberty in the month of July 1550. These 
were shortly thereafter recalled to Scotland, their peace was 
proclaimed, and they themselves were restored to their lands, 
in despite of their enemies. And that was done in hatred of 

ii2 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

the Duke, and because France began to thirst to have the 
regiment of Scotland in her own hands. Howsoever it was, 
God made their enemies set them at liberty and freedom. 
There still remained a number of common servants in the 
galleys, but these were all delivered when the contract of 
peace was made betwixt France and England, after the taking 
of Boulogne. So was the whole company set at liberty, none 
peris ning except James Melviri, who departed from the miseries 
of this life in the Castle of Brest in Brittany. 

This we write, that the posterity to come may under 
stand how potently God wrought in preserving and delivering 
those that had but a small knowledge of His truth, and for the 
love of the same hazarded all. We or our posterity may see a 
fearful dispersion of such as oppose themselves to impiety, or 
take upon them to punish the same otherwise than laws of men 
will permit: we may see them forsaken by men, and, as it 
were, despised and punished by God. But, if we do, let us not 
damn the persons that punish vice for just causes, nor yet 
despair that the same God that casts down, for causes unknown 
to us, will again raise up the persons dejected, to His glory and 
their comfort. . . . 

Haddington being in the hands of the English, and 
mucn herschip being done in the country (for what the 
Englishmen did not destroy, the French consumed), 
God did be in to fi g nt for Scotland ; for to the town 
named He sent so contagious a pest, that with great 
difficulty could the English garrison have their dead 
buried. They were oft reinforced with new men, but all was 
in vain. Hunger and pest were within the town, and the 
enemy, with a camp-volant, 1 lay about them and intercepted 
all victuals, unless these were brought by a convoy from 
Berwick ; and the Council of England was compelled, in 
spring, to withdraw its forces from that place. So, after 
spoiling and burning some part of the town, they left it to 
be occupied by such as first should take possession and those 
were the Frenchmen, with a mean number of the ancient 
inhabitants. Thus did God perform the words and the 

} Expeditionary force. 


threatening of His servant Master George Wishart, who 
said that, for their contempt of God s messenger, they 
should be visited with sword and fire, with pestilence, 
strangers, and famine. 

After this, peace was contracted betwixt France 
dafmed anc ^ England and Scotland ; and a separate contract of 
(Apyi the peace was made betwixt Scotland and Flanders, with 
resume 8 a ^ ^ e Eastei lings ; so that Scotland had peace with 
Jersecu- the world. But yet the Bishops would make war with 

God. As soon as they got any quietness, they appre 
hended Adam Wallace, a simple man, without great learning, 
but zealous in godliness and of an upright life. He with his 
wife, Beatrice Livingston, frequented the company of the Lady 
Ormiston, for the instruction of her children during the trouble 
of her husband, who then was banished. That bastard, called 
Archbishop of St. Andrews, took the said Adam from the place 
of Winton, and carried him to Edinburgh. And, in the kirk 
of the black thieves, alias Friars, he was brought to trial before 
the Duke, the Earl of Huntly, divers others besides, and the 
Bishops and their rabble. 

Master John Lauder was accuser, and alleged that 
faithful ne took upon him to preach. He answered that he 
Testimony never considered himself worthy of so excellent a voca- 

tion, and therefore never took upon him to preach ; 

^ut that ne wou ld not deny that, sometimes at the 

table and sometimes in other privy places, he had read 
the Scriptures, and had given such exhortation as God pleased 
to give him, to such as pleased to hear him. " Knave," quoth 
one, " what have ye to do to meddle with the Scriptures ? " 
" I think," said he, " it is the duty of every Christian to seek 
the will of his God, and the assurance of his salvation, where it 
is to be found, and that is within his Old and New Testament." 
" What then," said another, " shall we leave to the bishops and 
kirkmen to do, if every man shall be a babbler upon the 
Bible ? " " It becometh you," said he, " to speak more reverently 
of God and of His blessed Word. If the judge were incorrupt, 
he would punish you for your blasphemy. To your question, I 
answer that, albeit ye and I and other five thousand within 

ii4 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

this realm should read the Bible, and speak of it what God 
should give us to speak, yet should we leave more to the 
bishops to do than either they will or yet can well do. We 
leave to them to preach the Evangel of Jesus Christ publicly, 
and to feed the flock which He hath redeemed with His own 
blood, and hath commended to the care of all true pastors. 
When we leave this unto them, methinks we leave to them a 
heavy burden ; and we do them no wrong if we search our own 
salvation where it is to be found, considering that they are but 
dumb dogs, and unsavoury salt that has altogether lost its 
season." The Bishops, offended, said, " What prating is this ? 
Let his accusation be read." 

And then was begun, "False traitor, heretic, thou didst 
baptize thine own bairn. Thou saidst there is no purgatory. 
Thou saidst that to pray to saints and for the dead is idolatry 
and a vain superstition, and so on. What sayest thou of these 
things ? " He answered, " If I should be bound to answer, I 
would require an upright and indifferent judge." The Earl of 
Huntly disdainfully said, " Foolish man, wilt thou desire another 
judge than my Lord Duke s Grace, great Governor of Scotland, 
and my Lords the bishops, and the clergy here present ? " 
Thereto he answered, " The bishops can be no judges of me ; 
for they are open enemies to me and to the doctrine that I 
profess. And, as for my Lord Duke, I cannot tell if he has 
the knowledge that should be in him that should judge and 
discern betwixt lies and the truth, the inventions of men and 
the true worshipping of God. I desire God s Word," and with 
that he produced the Bible, " to be judge betwixt the bishops 
and me, and I am content that ye shall all hear. If by this 
book I shall be convicted to have taught, spoken, or done, in 
matters of religion, anything that repugns to God s will, I 
refuse not to die ; but if I cannot be convicted, as I am assured 
by God s Word I shall not be, then I in God s name desire your 
assistance, that malicious men may not execute unjust tyranny 
upon me." The Earl of Huntly said, " What a babbling fool 
this is. Thou shalt get none other judges than these that sit 
here." Thereto the said Adam answered, " The good will of 
God be done. But be ye assured, my Lord, with such measure 


as ye mete to others, with the same measure it shall be meted 
to you again. I know that I shall die, but be ye assured that 
my blood will be required of your hands." 

Alexander Earl of Glencairn, yet alive, then said to the 
Bishop of Orkney, and others that sat near him, " Take you 
yon, my lords of the clergy ; for here I protest, for my part, 
that I consent not to his death." And so, without fear, the 
said Adam prepared to answer. As to the baptizing of his own 
child, he said, " It was and is as lawful to me, for lack of a true 
minister, to baptize my own child, as it was to Abraham to 
circumcise his son Ishmael and his family. And as for purga 
tory, praying to saints, and praying for the dead, I have read 
both the New and Old Testaments often, but I neither could 
find mention nor assurance of them ; and, therefore, I believe 
that they are but mere inventions of man, devised for covetous- 
ness s sake." " What sayest thou of the Mass ? " speired l the 
Earl of Huntly. He answered, " I say, my Lord, as my 
Master Jesus Christ says, That which is in greatest estima 
tion before men is abomination before God/ " Then all cried 
out, " Heresy ! heresy ! " And so this simple servant of God 
was adjudged to the fire ; which he patiently sustained that 
same afternoon, upon the Castle Hill. 

Thus the Papists began again to pollute the land, which 
God had lately plagued. Their iniquity was not yet come to 
that full ripeness in which God willed that it should be made 
manifest to this whole realm that they were faggots prepared 
for the everlasting fire, and men whom neither plagues might 
correct, nor the light of God s Word convert from their dark 
ness and impiety. 

Peace contracted, the Queen-Dowager passed by 
The^puke gea ^ France, and took with her divers of the nobility of 
the Se Que a en d - Scotland,to wit, the EarlsHuntly,Glencairn,Marischall, 
S a a de er an d Cassillis, the Lords Maxwell and Fleming, and Sir 
Regent : Q eor g e Douglas ; together with all the King s natural 
sons, and divers barons and gentlemen of ecclesiastical 
estate, the Bishop of Galloway and many others, with promises 
that they should be richly rewarded for their good service. 

1 Inquired. 

n6 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

What they received we cannot tell ; but few made ruse x at 
their returning. The Dowager practised somewhat with her 
brethren, the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine, 
and the Governor afterwards felt the weight of this: for 
shortly after her return he was deposed from the government 
justly by God, but most unjustly by men and she made 
Kegent in the year of God 1554. A crown was put upon her 
head as seemly a sight, if men had eyes, as to put a saddle 
upon the back of an unruly cow. Then did she begin to practise 
practice upon practice, how France might be advanced, her 
friends made rich, and she brought to immortal glory. . . . 

Thus did light and darkness strive within the 
Death and realm of Scotland ; the darkness ever before the world 
Edward suppressing the light, from the death of that notable 
servant of God, Master Patrick Hamilton, unto the 
death of Edward Sixth, the most godly and most virtuous King 
that hath been known to have reigned in England or elsewhere 
these many years bypast, who departed the misery of this life 
on the sixth of July 1553. The death of this Prince was 
lamented by all the godly within Europe ; for the graces given 
unto him by God, by nature as well as through erudition and 
godliness, passed the measure that is commonly given to other 
Princes in their greatest perfection, and yet he exceeded not 
sixteen years of age. What gravity beyond his years, what 
wisdom passing all expectation of man, and what dexterity in 
answering all questions proposed, were in that excellent Prince, 
the Ambassadors of all countries did bear witness. Yea, some 
that were mortal enemies to him and to his realm, amongst 
whom the Queen-Dowager of Scotland was not the least, could 
and did so testify. The said Queen-Dowager, returning from 
France through England, communed with him at length, and 
gave record, when she came to this realm, that she found more 
wisdom and solid judgment in young King Edward than she 
would have looked for in any three princes that were then 
in Europe. His liberality towards the godly and learned, 
persecuted in other realms, was remarkable. Germans, French 
men, Italians, Scots, Spaniards, Poles, Greeks, and Hebrews 

1 Boast. 


can yet give sufficient document 1 of this. Martin Bucer, Peter 
Martyr, Joannes Alasco, and many others were honourably 
entertained upon his public stipends, as their patents can 
witness, and as they themselves during their lives never would 
have denied. 

After the death of this most virtuous Prince, of 
Jtitions er whom the godless people of England, for the most 
M^ryV P art , were not worthy, Satan intended nothing less 
fn n (fo a f n the than that tne !ig nt of Jesus Christ should have been 
ege"t. utterly extinguished within the whole Isle of Britain. 
For there was raised up after him, in God s hot dis 
pleasure, that idolatrous Jezebel, mischievous Mary, of the 
Spaniards blood ; a cruel persecutrix of God s people, as the 
acts of her unhappy reign can sufficiently witness. And in 
Scotland, at that same time, as we have heard, there reigned 
that crafty practiser, Marie of Lorraine, then named Eegent of 
Scotland ; who, bound to the devotion of her two brethren, the 
Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine, did only abide the 
opportunity to cut the throats of all those within the realm of 
Scotland in whom she suspected any knowledge of God. Satan 
thought that his kingdom of darkness was in quietness and 
rest, in the one realm as well as in the other ; but that 
provident eye of the Eternal our God, who continually watches 
for preservation of His Church, did so dispose all things, that 
Satan shortly after found himself far disappointed in his 
conclusions. For in the cruel persecution carried on by 
that monster, Mary of England, godly men were dispersed 
among divers nations, and then it pleased the goodness of 
our God to send some of these unto us, for our comfort and 

First came a simple man, William Harlaw, who, 

John Knox , , _ . . , . PI- i 

follows although his erudition excels not, is yet, tor his zeal, 
Hariaw and diligent plainness in doctrine, to this day worthy 
waiockjtoof praise, and remains a faithful member within the 
Lnd> Church of Scotland. After him came that notable 
man, John Willock, with some commission from the Duchess 
of Embden to the Queen Kegent. But his principal purpose 

1 Evidence. 

u8 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

was to ascertain what work God had for him in his native 
country. These two did sometimes assemble the brethren in 
several companies, and by their exhortations those began to be 
greatly encouraged, and did show that they had an earnest 
thirst of godliness. Last came John Knox, in the end of 
harvest, in the year of God 1555. Lodged in the house of 
that notable man of God, James Syme, he began to exhort 
secretly in that same house ; and thereto repaired the Laird 
of Dun, David Forrest, and some certain personages of the 

Amongst these was Elizabeth Adamson, spouse to 
Teftf James Barren, burgess of Edinburgh, who had a 
Elizabeth troubled conscience, and delighted much in the com- 
Mi?t?e S s n> pany of the said John, because he, according to the 
grace given unto him, opened more fully the fountain 
of God s mercies, than did the common sort of teachers that 
she had heard before, for she had heard none but Friars. She 
did with much greediness drink of that fountain, and at her 
death she expressed the fruit of her hearing, to the great 
comfort of all those that repaired to her. Albeit she suffered 
most grievous torment in her body, from her mouth there was 
heard nothing but praising of God, except that sometimes she 
would lament the troubles of those that were troubled by her. 
When her sisters asked what she thought of the pain which 
she then suffered in body, in comparison with that with which 
sometimes she had been troubled in spirit, she answered, " A 
thousand years of this torment, and ten times more joined unto 
it, is not to be compared to the quarter of an hour that I 
suffered in my spirit. I thank my God, through Jesus Christ, 
that He has delivered me from that most fearful pain ; and 
welcome be this, even so long as it pleaseth His godly Majesty 
to discipline me therewith." 

A little before her departure, the said Elizabeth desired her 
sisters and some others that were beside her to sing a psalm. 
Amongst others, she appointed the Hundred and Third Psalm, 
beginning, " My soul, praise thou the Lord always." This 
ended, she said, " At the teaching of this Psalm, my troubled 
soul first began effectually to taste of the mercy of God, which 


now to me is more sweet and precious than were all the 
kingdoms of the earth given to me to possess for a thousand 
years." The priests urged her with their ceremonies and 
superstitions, but to them she answered, " Depart from me, ye 
sergeants of Satan ; for I have refused, and in your own presence 
do refuse, all your abominations. That which ye call your 
Sacrament and Christ s body, as ye have deceived us to believe 
in times past, is nothing but an idol, and has nothing to do 
with the right institution of Jesus Christ. Therefore, in God s 
name, I command you not to trouble me." They departed, 
alleging that she raved, and wist not what she said. Shortly 
thereafter she slept in the Lord Jesus, to the no small comfort 
of those that saw her blessed departing. We could not omit 
mention of this worthy woman, who gave so notable a con 
fession before the great light of God s Word did universally 
shine throughout this realm. 

At the first coming of the said John Knox, divers 
argues who had a zeal to godliness made small scruple to 

that the ^ ^ r 

Mass is ero to the Mass, or to communicate with the abused 

Idolatry. . . . . . 

sacraments in the papistical manner. .Perceiving 
this, he began, in privy conference as well as in preaching, 
to show the impiety of the Mass, and how dangerous it was 
to participate in any way with idolatry. The consciences of 
some were affrighted, and the matter began to agitate from 
man to man. So the said John was called to supper by the 
Laird of Dun for that purpose, and there were convened David 
Forrest, Master Robert Lockhart, John Willock, and William 
Maitland of Lethington, younger, a man of good learning, and 
of sharp wit and reasoning. The question was proposed, and 
it was answered by the said John that it was nowise lawful 
to a Christian to present himself to that idol. Nothing was 
omitted that might make for the temporiser, and yet was 
every head fully answered, and especially one wherein they 
thought their great defence stood, to wit, that Paul, at 
the commandment of James and the elders of Jerusalem, 
went to the temple and feigned to pay his vow with others. 
After a full discussion, William Maitland concluded, saying, 
" I see perfectly that our shif ts will serve nothing before 

120 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

God, seeing that they stand us in so small stead before 

The answer of John Knox to the act of Paul, and to the 
commandment of James, was that Paul s act had nothing to do 
with their going to the Mass. To pay vows was sometimes 
God s commandment, and was never idolatry : but the Mass 
was from the beginning, and still remained odious idolatry. 
" Secondarily," said he, " I greatly doubt whether either 
James s commandment or Paul s obedience proceeded from 
the Holy Ghost. ..." After these and like reasonings, the 
Mass began to be abhorred by such as before had frequented 
it for the fashion, and for avoidance of slander, as then they 
termed it. 

At the request of the Laird of Dun, John Knox 
Breaches * fH we( l hi m to his place of Dun, where he remained 
Parts^and a mon th, daily occupied in preaching ; and the prin 
ters the" c ip a l men of that country were among his audiences. 
Tabfe 5 After his return, liis residence was most in Calder. 
The Lord Erskine that now is, the Earl of Argyll, 
then Lord of Lome, and Lord James Stewart, then Prior of 
St. Andrews, and now Earl of Moray, came to Calder and 
so approved his doctrine that they expressed a desire that it 
should have been public. That same winter he taught 
commonly in Edinburgh ; and, after Yule, on the invitation 
of the Laird of Barr and Robert Campbell of Kinyeancleuch, 
he came to Kyle, and taught in the Barr, in the house of the 
Carnell, in the Kinyeancleuch, in the town of Ayr, and in the 
houses of Ochiltree and Gadgirth, and in some of them he 
ministered the Lord s Table. 

Before Easter, the Earl of Glencairn sent for him to his 
place of Finlayston ; where, after preaching, he likewise 
ministered the Lord s Table. Besides Glencairn himself, his 
lady, two of his sons, and certain of his friends were par 
takers. When he returned to Calder, divers from Edinburgh, 
and from the country about, assembled there, for the preaching 
as well as for the right use of the Lord s Table, which they 
had never practised before. Thence he departed the second 
time to the Laird of Dun. His teaching was then with 


greater liberty, and the gentlemen required that he should 
likewise minister unto them the Table of the Lord Jesus, 
whereof were partakers the most part of the gentlemen of 
Mearns. To the praise of God, these do, to this day, con 
stantly adhere to the doctrine which then they professed, to 
wit, that they refused all society with idolatry, and bound 
themselves to maintain, to the uttermost of their powers, the 
true preaching of the Evangel of Jesus Christ, as God should 
offer unto them preachers and opportunity. 

The Friars from all quarters flocked to the bishops 
is sum- with the bruit, and the said John Knox was sum- 
Answer moned to appear in the Kirk of the Black Friars in 
Doctrine: Edinburgh on the fifteenth day of May 1556. The 
aban- said John decided to obey the summons, and for that 

purpose John Erskine of Dun, with divers other 
gentlemen, assembled in the town of Edinburgh. But that 
diet was not held ; for the bishops either perceived informality 
in their own proceedings, or feared that danger might ensue 
upon their extreme measures. On the Saturday before, they 
cassed l their own summons ; and the said John, on the day 
appointed by the summons, taught in Edinburgh in a greater 
audience that ever before he had done in that town. The 
place was the Bishop of Dunkeld s great lodging, and there 
he continued teaching for ten days, both before and after 

The Earl of Glencairn allured the Earl Marischall, 
write S K to x wifcn Harry Drummond, his counsellor for that time, 
iJeg?nt en to hear an exhortation, one night. They were so well 

satisfied, that they both desired the said John to write 
unto the Queen Eegent a letter that might move her to hear 
the Word of God. He obeyed, and wrote that which was 
afterwards printed, and is called "The Letter to the Queen 
Dowager." This was delivered into her own hands by the 
said Alexander, Earl of Glencairn. When she had read this 
letter, she delivered it to that proud prelate, Beaton, 2 Arch 
bishop of Glasgow, a day or two after, and said in mockage, 
" Please you, my Lord, read a pasquil." 

1 Annulled. 2 James, nephew of the Cardinal. 

122 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

While John Knox was thus occupied in Scotland, 
Jo^gj 1 ^ letters came unto him from the English Kirk in 
an?aves ^ eneva m God s name commanding him, as their 
t^ e . R galm : chosen pastor, to repair unto them for their comfort. 
Upon this, the said John prepared to obey the 
summons. He bade farewell in almost every con 
gregation in which he had preached, and exhorted us to 
prayers, to reading of the Scriptures, and to mutual con 
ference, until such time as God should give unto us greater 
liberty. By the procurement and labours of Eobert Camp 
bell of Kinyeancleuch, he visited the old Earl of Argyll in 
the Castle of Campbell, and there he taught certain days. 
The Laird of Glenorchy, being one of his auditors, desired 
the Earl of Argyll to detain him ; but he, purposed upon his 
journey, would not at that time stay for any request. He 
added that, if God so blessed these small beginnings and 
they continued in godliness, they should find him obedient 
whensoever they pleased to command him ; but that he must 
needs visit once that little flock which the wickedness of men 
had compelled him to leave. In the month of July he left 
this realm and passed to France, and so to Geneva. Im 
mediately after, the bishops summoned him, and, for non- 
compearance, burned him in effigy at the Cross of Edinburgh, 
in the year of God 1555. 

In the winter that the said John abode in Scot- 
Re%nt l an d, there appeared a comet, the course of which was 

declares f r0 m the south and south-west to the north and north- 
war on 

eag ^ j t was geen d ur i n cr the months of November, 

the Nobles 

mo c il net December, and January, and was called "the fiery 
besom." Soon after, Christian, King of Denmark, 
died, and war rose betwixt Scotland and England; for the 
Commissioners of both realms, who for almost six months 
had treated upon the conditions of peace and were upon a 
near point of conclusion, were disappointed. At Newbattle, 
the Queen Eegent, with her Council of the French faction, 
decreed war, without giving any intimation to the Commis 
sioners for Scotland. Such is the fidelity of Princes, guided 
by priests, whenever they seek to serve their own affections. 


But the nobility of Scotland, after consultation amongst them 
selves, went to the pavilion of Monsieur D Oysel, and to his face 
declared that in nowise would they invade England. They 
commanded the ordnance to be retired ; and this was done with 
out further delay. This put an affray 1 in Monsieur D Oysel s 
breath, and kindled such a fire in the Queen Eegent s stomach 
as was not well slockened until her breath failed. And thus 
was that enterprise frustrated, although war continued. 
Th During this period the Evangel of Jesus Christ 

Evangel began wondrously to flourish. William Harlaw began 
flourish in publicly to exhort in Edinburgh ; John Douglas, who 

had been with the Earl of Argyll, preached in Leith, 
and sometimes exhorted in Edinburgh ; Paul Methven began 
publicly to preach in Dundee ; and so did divers others in 
Angus and Mearns. And last, in God s good pleasure, John 
Willock arrived the second time from Embclen ; and his 
return was so joyful to the brethren that their zeal and 
godly courage daily increased. Albeit he contracted a dan 
gerous sickness, he did not cease from labour, but taught and 
exhorted from his bed. Some of the nobility (of whom some 
are fallen back, among whom the Lord Seton is chief), with 
many barons and gentlemen, were his auditors. These were 
instructed in godliness by him, and wondrously comforted. 
They kept their conventions, and held councils with such 
gravity and closeness, that the enemies trembled. The 
images were stolen away in all parts of the country ; and 
in Edinburgh the great idol called Saint Giles was first 
drowned in the Nor Loch, and then burned. This raised 
no small trouble in the town. 

The Friars rowping 2 like ravens upon the bishops, 
are stolen, the bishops ran to the Queen. She was favourable 
Prelates enough to them, but she thought it could not be to 
wth the her advantage to offend such a multitude as then took 

upon them the defence of the Evangel and the name 
of Protestants. Yet she consented to summon the preachers ; 
and the Protestants, neither offended nor yet afraid, determined 
to keep the day of summons, as that they did. When the 

1 Terror ; fright. 2 Crying hoarsely. 

124 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

prelates and priests perceived this, they procured that there 
should be made a proclamation that all men that were come 
to the town without commandment of the authority, should 
with all diligence repair to the Borders, and there remain 
fifteen days : for the Bishop of Galloway, in this manner of 
rhyme, said to the Queen, " Madam, 

Because they are come without order, 
I red ye, send them to the Border." 

Now, God had so provided that the Quarter of the 
Westland, in which were many faithful men, were that same 
day returned from the Border. Understanding the matter to 
proceed from the malice of the priests, they assembled and 
made passage for themselves until they came to the very 
privy chamber, where the Queen Eegent and the bishops 
were. The gentlemen began to complain of their strange 
entertainment, considering that her Grace had found in them 
faithful obedience in all things lawful. When the Queen 
began to craft, a zealous and a bold man, James Chalmers 
of Gadgirth, said, " Madam, we know that this is the malice 
and device of these Jefwellis, 1 and of that bastard (meaning 
the Archbishop of St. Andrews) that stands by you. We avow 
to God we shall make a day of it. They oppress us and our 
tenants that they may feed their idle bellies : they trouble 
our preachers, and would murder them and us : shall we 
suffer this any longer ? Nay, Madam : it shall not be." 
And therewith every man put on his steel bonnet. 

Then was heard nothing on the Queen s part but, " My 
joys, niy hearts, w r hat ails you ? Me means no evil to you 
nor to your preachers. The bishops shall do you no wrong. 
Ye are all my loving subjects. Me know nothing of this 
proclamation. The day of your preachers shall be discharged, 
and me will hear the controversy that is betwixt the bishops 
and you. They shall do you no wrong. My Lords," said 
she to the bishops, " I forbid you either to trouble them or 
their preachers." And unto the gentlemen, who were 
wondrously moved, she turned again, and said, " my 
hearts, should ye not love the Lord your God with all your 

1 Jail-birds. 


I2 5 

heart, with all your mind ? and should ye not love your 
neighbours as yourselves ? " With these and the like fair 
words, she kept the bishops from buffets at that time. 

The day of summons being discharged, the brethren 
casting of universally began to be further encouraged. But the 
Giles s bishops could not be quiet; and Saint Giles s day 
Discom- approaching, they gave charge to the Provost, Bailies, 
Baaf s and Council of Edinburgh, either to get again the old 
Saint Giles, or else at their own expense to make a 
new image. The Council answered that to them the charge 
appeared very unjust ; for they understood that God in some 
places had commanded idols and images to be destroyed. 
Where He had commanded images to be set up, they had 
not read ; and they desired the Bishop to find a warrant for 
his commandment. The Bishop, offended, admonished them 
under pain of cursing ; but they prevented 1 this by a formal 
appellation, appealing from him, as from a partial and corrupt 
judge, unto the Pope s Holiness. Greater things shortly 
following, that passed into oblivion. 

Yet the priests and Friars would not cease to have that 
great solemnity and manifest abomination which they accustom- 
ably had upon Saint Giles s day. They would have that idol 
borne ; and therefore all necessary preparation was duly made. 
A marmoset idol was borrowed from the Grey Friars, a silver 
piece of James Carmichael being laid in pledge. It was fast 
fixed with iron nails upon a barrow, called their fertour. 2 
There assembled priests, Friars, Canons, and rotten Papists, 
with tabors and trumpets, banners and bagpipes, and who was 
there to lead the ring, but the Queen Eegent herself, with all 
her shavelings, for honour of that feast. West about it went, 
and came down the High Street, and down to the Canon Cross. 
The Queen Eegent dined that day in Sandy Carpetyne s house, 
betwixt the Bows, and so, when the idol returned again, she 
left it, and went to her dinner. The hearts of the brethren 
were wondrously inflamed, and, seeing such abomination so 
manifestly maintained, were determined to be revenged. They 
were divided into several companies, of which not one knew 

1 Anticipated. Cotter. 

126 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

of another. There were some temporisers that day (amongst 
whom David Forrest, called the General, was one) who, fearing 
the chance would be taken to do as it befell, laboured to stay 
the brethren. But that could not be. 

Immediately after the Queen had entered the lodging, 
some of those that were in the enterprise drew nigh to the 
idol, as if willing to help to bear him, and getting the fertour 
upon their shoulders, began to shudder, thinking that thereby 
the idol should have fallen. But that was provided for and 
prevented by the iron nails, as we have said ; and so one 
began to cry, " Down with the idol ; down with it ; " and 
without delay it was pulled down. One took him by the 
heels and, dadding 1 his head on the causeway, left Dagon 
without head or hands, and cried, " Fie upon thee, thou 
young Saint Giles, thy father would have tarried four such." 
The priest s patrons made some brag at the first; but when 
they saw the feebleness of their god, priests and Friars fled 
faster than they did at Pinkie Cleuch. Then might have 
been seen so sudden a fray as seldom has been amongst that 
sort of men within this realm. Down went the crosses, off 
went the surplice, and the round caps cornered with the 
crowns. 2 The Grey Friars gaped, the Black Friars blew, the 
priests panted and fled, and happy was he that first reached 
the house; such a sudden fray amongst the generation of 
Antichrist within this realm never came before. By chance, 
there lay upon a stair a merry Englishman, who, seeing that 
the discomfiture was without blood, thought he would add 
some merriness to the matter, and so cried he over the stair, 
and said, " Fie upon you, why have ye broken order ? Down 
the street ye passed in array and with great mirth. Why 
flee ye now, villains, without order ? Turn and strike every 
one a stroke for the honour of his god. Fie, cowards, fie, ye 
shall never be judged worthy of your wages again ! " But ex 
hortations were then unprofitable ; for, after Baal had broken 
his neck, there was no comfort to his confused army. 

The Queen Eegent laid this up amongst her other 
mementoes, until she might see the time proper to revenge 

1 Knocking. - Priests jostled with friars. 


it. Search was made for the doers, but none could be 
apprehended ; for the brethren assembled themselves in 
such sort, in companies, singing psalms and praising God, 
that the proudest of the enemies were astonished. . . . 

The most part of the Lords that were in France at the 
Queen s marriage, although they got their cong6 from the 
Court, yet forgot to return to Scotland. For whether it was by 
an Italian posset, or by French figs, or by the potage of their 
potinger, who was a Frenchman, there departed from this life 
the Earl of Cassillis, the Earl of Eothes, Lord Fleming, and the 
Bishop of Orkney, whose end was even according to his life. . . . 
When word of the departing of so many patrons of the papistry, 
and of the manner of their departing, came to the Queen Eegent, 
she said, after astonishment and musing, " What shall I say of 
such men ? They lived as beasts, and as beasts they die : God 
is not with them, neither with that which they enterprise." 

While these things were happening in Scotland 
Sean of anc ^ France, that perfect hypocrite, Master John 
Hy^ocrife, Sinclair, then Dean of Eestalrig, and now Lord 
Preach! ^resident and Bishop of Brechin, began to preach 
in his Kirk of Restalrig. At the beginning he kept 
himself so indifferent that many were of the opinion that he 
was not far from the Kingdom of God. Such as feared God 
had begun to have a good opinion of him, and the Friars 
and others of that sect had begun to whisper that if he did 
not take heed to himself and to his doctrine he would be 
the destruction of the whole estate of the Kirk. But his 
hypocrisy could not long be cloaked ; for, when he learned 
of this change in public opinion, he promised a sermon, in 
which he should give his judgment upon all such heads as 
were then in controversy in the matters of religion. The 
bruit hereof secured him a great audience at the first ; but he 
so handled himself that day that no godly man did credit him 
after that. Not only gainsaid he the doctrine of Justification 
and of prayer, which before he had taught, but he also set up 
and maintained the Papistry to the uttermost prick ; yea, holy 
water, pilgrimage, purgatory, and pardons were of such virtue 
in his conceit that he looked not to be saved without them. 

128 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

In the meantime, the clergy made a brag that they would 
dispute. But Master David Panter, who then lived and lay 
at Eestalrig, dissuaded them therefrom, affirming that if ever 
they disputed except where they themselves were both judge 
and party, and where fire and sword should obey their decree 
their cause was wrecked for ever. Their victory, he said, 
stood neither in God nor in His Word, but in their own wills, 
and in the things concluded by their own councils, together 
with sword and fire, " and thereto," said he, " these new start 
up fellows will give no place. They will call you to your 
account book, the Bible ; and by it ye will no more be found 
the men that ye are called, than the Devil will be proven to 
be God. And therefore, if ye love yourselves, never enter 
into disputation ; nor yet call ye the matter in question ; but 
defend your possession, or else all is lost." Caiaphas could 
not give a better counsel to his companions ; but God dis 
appointed both them and him, as we shall hear afterwards. 

At this same time, some of the nobility directed 
of John letters to call John Knox from Geneva, for their 
comfort, and for the comfort of their brethren the 
preachers and others that then courageously fought against 
the enemies of God s truth. . . . These letters were delivered 
to the said John in Geneva, in the month of May immediately 
thereafter. Upon their receipt, he took consultation with his 
own church as well as with that notable servant of God, John 
Calvin, and with other godly ministers. All, with one consent, 
said that he could not refuse that vocation, unless he would 
declare himself rebellious unto his God, and unmerciful to his 
country. And so he returned answer, with promise to visit 
Scotland with reasonable expedition, as soon as he might make 
arrangements for the dear flock that was committed to his 
charge. In the end of the following September, he departed 
from Geneva, and came to Dieppe, where there met him 
contrary letters ; as by this his answer thereto we may under 

" The Spirit of wisdom, constancy, and strength "be multiplied 
with you, by the favour of God our Father, and by the grace of 
our Lord Jesus Christ. 



" According to my promise, Eight Honourable, I came to 
Dieppe on the twenty-third of October, of full mind, by the 
good will of God, with the first ships to have visited you. 
But because two letters, not very pleasing to the flesh, were 
there presented unto me, I was compelled to stay for a time. 
The one was directed to myself from a faithful brother, who 
made mention that new consultation was appointed for final 
conclusion of the matter before purposed, and desired me 
therefore to abide in these parts until the determination of 
the same. The other letter was direct from a gentleman to a 
friend, with charge to inform rne that he had communed with 
all those that seemed most frack and fervent in the matter, 
and that in none did he find such boldness and constancy as 
was requisite for such an enterprise ; but that some did, as he 
writeth, repent that ever any such thing was moved ; some 
were partly ashamed; and others were able to deny that ever 
they did consent to any such purpose, if any trial or question 
should be taken thereof, etc. Which letters, when I had con 
sidered, I partly was confounded, and partly was pierced with 
anguish and sorrow. Confounded I was, that I had so far 
travelled in the matter, moving the same to the most godly 
and the most learned that this day we know to live in Europe, 
to the effect that I might have their judgments and grave 
counsels, for assurance as well of your consciences as of mine, 
in all enterprises. That nothing should succeed so long con 
sultation, cannot but redound either to your shame or mine ; 
for either it shall appear that I was marvellously vain, being 
so solicitous where no necessity required, or else that such as 
were my movers thereto lacked the ripeness of judgment in 
their first vocation. . . . The cause of my dolour and sorrow, 
God is witness, is for nothing pertaining either to my corporal 
contentment or worldly displeasure ; but it is for the grievous 
plagues and punishments of God, which assuredly shall appre 
hend not only you, but every inhabitant of that miserable 
realm and Isle, except that the power of God, by the liberty 
of His Evangel, deliver you from bondage. ... If any per 
suade you, for fear of dangers that may follow, to faint in your 
former purpose, be he never esteemed so wise and friendly, 

1 30 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

let him be judged by you both foolish and your mortal enemy : 
foolish, because he understandeth nothing of God s approved 
wisdom ; and enemy unto you, because he laboureth to separate 
you from God s favour ; provoking His vengeance and grievous 
plagues against you, because he would that ye should prefer 
your worldly rest to God s praise and glory, and the friendship 
of the wicked to the salvation of your brethren. I am not 
ignorant that fearful troubles shall ensue your enterprise, as 
in my former letters I did signify unto you ; but joyful and 
comfortable are those troubles and adversities which man 
sustaineth for accomplishment of God s will, revealed by His 
Word ! For, however terrible they appear to the judgment of 
the natural man, yet are they never able to devour nor utterly 
to consume the sufferers. For the invisible and invincible 
power of God sustaineth and preserveth, according to His 
promise, all such as with simplicity do obey Him. . . . Your 
subjects, yea your brethren are oppressed, their bodies and 
souls are held in bondage : and God speaketh to your con 
sciences, unless ye be dead with the blind world, that you 
ought to hazard your own lives, be it against Kings or Em 
perors, for their deliverance; for only for that cause are ye 
called Princes of the people, and ye receive of your brethren 
honour, tribute, and homage, at God s commandment ; not by 
reason of your birth and progeny, as the most part of men 
falsely do suppose, but by reason of your office and duty, 
which is to vindicate and deliver your subjects and brethren 
from all violence and oppression, to the utmost of your 
power. . . ." 

New consultation was taken as to what was best 
of the Con- to be done : and in the end it was concluded that they 

greg-ation -i-ion , i . . , , 

make a would follow out their original purpose, and commit 
themselves and whatsoever God had given unto them 
into His hands, rather than suffer idolatry so manifestly to 
reign, and the subjects of that realm, as long they had been, 
to be defrauded of the only food of their souls, the true preach 
ing of Christ s Evangel. And that every one should be the 
more assured of the other, a common bond was made and by 
some subscribed. The tenor thereof was as follows : 


" We, perceiving how Satan in his members, the Antichrists 
of our time, cruelly doth rage, seeking to down-thring l and to 
destroy the Evangel of Christ and His Congregation, ought, 
according to our bounden duty, to strive in our Master s cause, 
even unto the death, being certain of the victory in Him. 
The which our duty being well considered, we do promise 
before the Majesty of God, and His Congregation, that we, by 
His grace, shall with all diligence continually apply our whole 
power, substance, and our very lives to maintain, set forward, 
and establish the most blessed Word of God and His Congre 
gation; and shall labour at our possibility to have faithful 
ministers purely and truly to minister Christ s Evangel and 
Sacraments to His people. We shall maintain them, nourish 
them, and defend them, the whole Congregation of Christ, and 
every member thereof, at our whole power and wearing of our 
lives, against Satan, and all wicked power that does intend 
tyranny or trouble against the foresaid Congregation. Unto 
the which holy Word and Congregation we do join us, and we 
do forsake and renounce the congregation of Satan, with all the 
superstitious abomination and idolatry thereof : And moreover, 
we shall declare ourselves manifestly enemies thereto, by this 
our faithful promise before God, testified to His Congregation by 
our subscription of these presents : At Edinburgh, the third 
day of December, the year of God 1557 : God called to witness. 


Et cetera. 

Immediately after the subscription of this foresaid 
Bond, the Lords and Barons professing Christ Jesus 
frequently in counsel; when these Heads 

Reformed were concluded I - 

First, it is thought expedient, devised, and ordained, 
that in all parishes of this realm the common prayers be read, 

1 Overthrow. 

132 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

weekly on Sunday, and on the other festival days, publicly in 
the parish kirks, with the lessons of the New and Old Testa 
ment, conform to the order of the Book of Common Prayers : 
and, if the curates of the parishes be qualified, to cause them 
to read the same ; and, if they be not, or if they refuse, that 
the most qualified in the parish use and read the same. 

Secondly, it is thought necessary that doctrine, preaching, 
and interpretation of Scriptures be had and used privately in 
quiet houses, without great conventions of the people thereto, 
until afterwards God move the Prince to grant public preach 
ing by faithful and true ministers. 

Th E ri These two heads concerning the religion and some 
of Argyll others concerning the policy being concluded, the old 
the cause Earl of Argyll, took the maintenance of John Douglas, 
Reformed caused him to preach publicly in his house, and reformed 
many things according to his counsel. Divers others 
took the same boldness within towns as well as to landward ; 
and this did not a little trouble the bishops and Queen Ee- 
gent. . . . Shortly after this, God in His mercy called the said 
Earl of Argyll from the miseries of this life. The bishops 
were glad ; for they thought that their great enemy was taken 
out of the way; but God disappointed them. For the said 
Earl departed most firmly adhering to the true faith of Jesus 
Christ, with a plain renunciation of all impiety, superstition, 
and idolatry ; and in his testament he directed his son to study 
to set forward the public and true preaching of the Evangel 
of Jesus Christ, and to suppress all superstition and idolatry, 
to the uttermost of his power. 

The bishops continued in their Provincial Council. 
Bishops That they might give some show to the people that 
feeble they proponed reformation, they spread abroad a rumour 
Reforma- of this, and published a printed manifesto, which the 
people dubbed " The Twa-penny Faith." Amongst the 
Acts of the Council, there was much ado (1) for caps, shaven 
crowns, tippets, long gowns, and such other trifles : (2) That 
none should enjoy office or benefice ecclesiastical, except a 
priest : (3) That no Kirk-man should nourish his own bairns 
in his own company ; but that every one should hold the 


children of others : (4) That none should put his own son in 
his own benefice : (5) That, if any were found in open adultery, 
for the first fault, he should lose the third of his benefice ; for 
the second crime, the half ; and for the third, the whole benefice. 
The Bishop of Moray, and other prelates, appealed against these 
Acts, saying that they would abide by the Canon law. And 
this might they well enough do, so long as they remained 
interpreters, dispensers, makers, and disannullers of that 
law. . . . 

The Persecution was decreed by the Queen Regent and 

prsSFses the prelates. But there remained a point which the 
of r t?e ant Q ueen Regent and France had not at that time 
matri-" obtained from the Scots Parliament. It was desired 
ihe n King tnat the crown-matrimonial should be granted to 
of France. JTrancis, husband to our Sovereign, so that France and 
Scotland should be one kingdom, the subjects of both realms 
having equal liberty, Scotsmen in France, and Frenchmen in 
Scotland. The glister : of the profit that was supposed to have 
ensued to Scotsmen blinded many men s eyes at the first sight. 
But a small wind caused that most suddenly to vanish away ; 
for the greatest offices and benefices within the realm were 
given to Frenchmen. Monsieur de Ruby kept the Great Seal. 
Villemore was Comptroller. Melrose and Kelso were to be a 
Commend 2 to the poor Cardinal of Lorraine. On the other hand, 
the freedoms of Scottish merchants were restrained in Rouen, 
and they were compelled to pay toll and taxations other than 
their ancient liberties did bear. 

To get the matrimonial crown, the Queen Regent left no 
point of the compass unsailed. With the bishops and priests 
she practised in this manner. " Ye may clearly see that I 
cannot do what I would within this realm ; for these heretics 
and confederates of England are so bound together, that they 
stop all good order. But, if ye be favourable unto me in this 
suit of the matrimonial crown to be granted to my daughter s 
husband, ye shall see how I shall handle these heretics and 
traitors before long." And truly, in these promises she meant 

1 Lustre. 

2 An ecclesiastical benefice committed to a temporary holder. 

i34 BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558 

no deceit in this respect. To the Protestants she said, " I am 
not unmindful how often ye have suited me for reformation in 
religion, and gladly would I consent thereunto ; but ye see 
that the power and craft of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, 
together with the power of the Duke, and of the Kirkmen, are 
ever bent against me in all my proceedings. So that I can do 
nothing, unless the full authority of this realm be devolved to 
the King of France, and this cannot be except by donation of 
the crown-matrimonial. If ye will bring this to pass, then 
devise ye what ye please in matters of religion, and they shall 
be granted." 

Lord James Stewart, then Prior of St. Andrews, was 
directed to the Earl of Argyll, with this commission 

and credit, and more promises than we list to rehearse. 
Crown- e By dissimulation to those that were simple and true of 
heart, she inflamed them to be more fervent in her 

petition than she herself appeared to be. And so, at 
the Parliament held at Edinburgh in the month of October, 
the year of God 1558, the crown-matrimonial was clearly 
voted. No man protested (except the Duke for his interest), 
and yet for this proceeding there was no better law produced 
than that in the Pontifical there was a solemn Mass appointed 
for such a purpose. 



LEST Satan shall take occasion of our long silence 
Seto r the to blaspheme, and to slander us the Protestants of 
look!? th e rea -l m of Scotland by suggesting that our actions 

tended rather to sedition and rebellion than to re 
formation of manners and abuses in religion ; we have thought 
it expedient, as truly and briefly as we can, to commit to 
writing the causes moving us, a great part of the nobility 
and barons of the realm, to take the sword of just defence 
against those that most unjustly have sought our destruction. 
In this our Confession we shall faithfully declare what moved 
us to take action, what we have asked, and what we require 
of the sacred authority. Our cause being thus made known, 
our enemies as well as our brethren in all realms may under 
stand how falsely we are accused of tumult and rebellion, and 
how unjustly we are persecuted by France and by their faction. 
Thus, too, our brethren, natural Scotsmen, of whatever religion 
they be, may have occasion to examine themselves as to whether 
they may with safe conscience oppose themselves to us. We 
only seek that the glorious Evangel of Christ Jesus may be 
preached, His holy Sacraments be truly ministered, super 
stition, tyranny, and idolatry be suppressed in this realm, and 
the liberty of this our native country remain free from the 
bondage and tyranny of strangers. 

1 The Second Book of the History of Things dom in Scotland, in the Reform a - 
tion of Religion, beginning in the Year of God 1558. 

2 The "History" originally commenced at this point. The Second Book 
was begun in 1560 : the scope of the work was enlarged about 1566, when the 
First and Fourth Books were added. The reader will note that, in point of 
date, the narrative at the opening of the Second Book overlaps that at the 
close of Book First. ED. 

136 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

While the Queen Eegent practised with the pre- 
Jden?e"" f lates, how the blessed Evangel of Christ Jesus might 
be utterly suppressed within Scotland, God so blessed 
kh e labours of His weak servants that no small part of 
the Barons of this realm began to abhor the tyranny 
of the bishops. God did so open their eyes by the light of 
His Word, that they could clearly discern betwixt idolatry 
and the true honouring of God. Yea, men almost universally 
began to doubt whether they might give their bodily presence 
to the Mass without offending God, or offer their children for 
papistical baptism. When the most godly and the most 
learned in Europe had answered these doubts, both by word 
and writing, affirming that we might do neither, without 
extreme peril to our souls, we began to be more troubled. 
Then also, men of estimation, who bore rule amongst us, began 
to examine themselves concerning their duties towards refor 
mation of religion, as well as towards the just defence of their 
most cruelly persecuted brethren. And so divers questions 
began to be moved, to wit, whether such as were judges, lords, 
and rulers of the people might, with safe conscience, serve the 
superior powers in maintaining idolatry, in persecuting their 
brethren, and in suppressing Christ s truth ? Or, whether they, 
to whom God had in some cases committed the administration 
of justice, might suffer the blood of their brethren to be shed 
in their presence, without any declaration that such tyranny 
displeased them ? By the plain Scripture it was found that 
a lively faith required a plain confession, when Christ s truth 
was attacked ; that not only are they guilty that do evil, but 
so also are they that assent to evil. It is plain that they that 
assent to evil, seeing iniquity openly committed, do by their 
silence seem to justify and allow what is done. 

These things being sufficiently proven by evident Scrip 
tures of God, every man began to look more diligently to his 
salvation ; for the idolatry and tyranny of the clergy, called 
the Churchmen, was and is so manifest, that whoever doth 
deny it declares himself ignorant of God, and enemy to Christ 
Jesus. We therefore, with humble confession of our former 
offences, began, with fasting and supplication unto God, to seek 


some remedy in so present a danger. At the outset it was 
decided that the brethren in every town should at certain 
times assemble together for common prayers, and for exercise 
and reading of the Scriptures, until it should please God to 
give the sermon of exhortation to some, for comfort and in 
struction of the rest. 

God did so bless our weak beginning that, within 
of Eider is a few months, the hearts of many were so strengthened 
and the that we sought to have the face of a Church amongst 
Kh-k y is us, and to have open crimes punished, without respect 
of person. For that purpose, by common election, 
elders were appointed. To them the whole brethren pro 
mised obedience ; for at that time we had no public ministers 
of the Word ; but certain zealous men, amongst whom were the 
Laird of Dun, David Forrest, Master Eobert Lockhart, Master 
Robert Hamilton, William Harlaw, and others, exhorted their 
brethren, according to the gifts and graces granted unto them. 
Shortly after did God stir up His servant, Paul Methven (whose 
latter fall ought not to deface the work of God in him), and he 
in boldness of spirit began openly to preach Christ Jesus in 
Dundee, in divers parts of Angus, and in Fife. God did so 
work with him that many began openly to renounce their old 
idolatry, and to submit themselves to Christ Jesus, and unto 
His blessed ordinances. In consequence, the town of Dundee 
began to erect the face of a public Church Keformed, and in 
this the Word was openly preached, and Christ s Sacraments 
were truly ministered. 

In the meantime God did send to us our dear 
Caches- Brother, John Willock, a man godly, learned, and 
Formal 65 grave, who, after short abode at Dundee, repaired to 
towards a Edinburgh. There, notwithstanding his long and 

PubUc Re- , . . -i , i T ^ T i 

formation dangerous sickness, he so encouraged the brethren by 
godly exhortations, that we began to deliberate upon 
some public Reformation; for the corruption in religion was 
such that, with safe conscience, we could no longer sustain it. 
Yet, because we would attempt nothing without the knowledge 
of the sacred authority, with one consent, after the deliberation 
of many days, it was concluded that by our public and common 

138 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

supplication we should attempt to secure the favour, support, 
and assistance of the Queen, then Eegent, towards a godly 
reformation. For that purpose, after we had prepared our 
oration and petitions, we appointed from amongst us a man 
whose age and years deserved reverence, whose honesty and 
worship might have craved audience of any magistrate on 
earth, and whose faithful service to the authority at all times 
had been such that on him could fall no suspicion of unlawful 
disobedience. This orator was that ancient and honourable 
father, Sir James Sandilands of Calder, knight, to whom we 
gave commission and power in all our names then present, 
before the Queen Kegent thus to speak : 

" Albeit we have of long time contained ourselves 
in such modesty, Most Noble Princess, that neither 

tion of e the the exile of body, tinsel l of goods, nor perishing of this 
tantfof mortal life, was able to convene us to ask from your 
fo C the and Grace reformation and redress of those wrongs and of 
Regent, that sore grief patiently borne by us in bodies and 
minds for so long a time ; yet are we now, of very 
conscience and by the fear of our God, compelled to crave, at 
your Grace s feet, remedy against the most unjust tyranny 
used against your Grace s most obedient subjects, by those that 
are called the Estate Ecclesiastical. Your Grace cannot be 
ignorant what controversy hath been, and yet is, concerning 
the true religion, and the right worshipping of God, and how 
the clergy, as they desire to be termed, usurp to themselves 
such empire above the consciences of men that whatsoever they 
command must be obeyed, and whatsoever they forbid must be 
avoided, without further respect to God s pleasure, command 
ment, or will, revealed to us in His most holy Word ; or else 
there abideth nothing for us but faggot, fire, and sword. By 
these means, many of our brethren have been stricken most 
cruelly and most unjustly of late years within this realm. 
This now we find to trouble and wound our consciences ; for 
we acknowledge it to have been our bounden duty before God, 
either to have defended our brethren from those cruel murderers, 
seeing we are a part of that power which God hath established 

1 Loss. 


in this realm, or else to have given with them open testification 
of our faith. Now we ourselves offer to do this, lest we shall 
seem to justify their cruel tyranny by our continual silence. 

" This condition of affairs doth not only displease us, but as 
your Grace s wisdom most prudently doth foresee, for the quiet 
ing of this intestine dissension, a public Reformation, in religion 
as well as in temporal government was most necessary. To 
this task, as we are informed, ye have most gravely and most 
godly exhorted as well the clergy as the nobility, to employ 
their study, diligence, and care. We, therefore, of conscience, 
dare no longer dissemble in so weighty a matter which con- 
cerneth the glory of God and our salvation. Neither now dare 
we withdraw our presence, or conceal our petitions, lest the 
adversaries hereafter shall object to us that place was granted 
to reformation, and yet no man suited for the same ; and so 
should our silence be prejudicial unto us in time to come. 
Therefore, knowing no other order placed in this realm, but 
your Grace, in your grave Council, set to amend, as well the 
disorder ecclesiastical, as the defaults in the temporal regiment, 
we most humbly prostrate ourselves before your feet, asking 
your justice, and your gracious help, against them that falsely 
traduce and accuse us, as if we were heretics and schismatics. 
Under that colour they seek our destruction ; because we seek 
the amendment of their corrupted lives, and that Christ s 
religion be restored to its original purity. Further, we crave 
of your Grace to hear, with open and patient ears, these our 
subsequent requests ; and, to the joy and satisfaction of our 
troubled consciences, mercifully to grant the same, unless by 
God s plain Word any be able to prove that justly they ought 
to be denied. 

" First, Humbly we ask that, as we have, by the laws of 
this realm, after long debate, obtained to read the holy books 
of the Old and New Testaments in our common tongue, as 
spiritual food to our souls, so from henceforth it may be lawful 
that we may convene publicly or privately to our Common 
Prayers, in our vulgar tongue ; to the end that we may increase 
and grow in knowledge, and be induced, in fervent and oft 
prayer, to commend to God the Holy Church universal, the 

140 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

Queen our Sovereign, her honourable and gracious husband, 
the stability of their succession, your Grace Eegent, the 
Nobility, and the whole Estate of this Eealm. 

" Secondly, If it shall happen in our said conventions that 
any hard place of Scripture be read, from which no profit 
ariseth to the conveners, we ask that it shall be lawful to any 
person qualified in knowledge, being present, to interpret and 
open up the said hard places, to God s glory and to the profit 
of the hearers. If any think that this liberty would be occasion 
of confusion, debate, or heresy, we are content that it be pro 
vided that the said interpretation shall underlie the judgment 
of the most godly and most learned within the realm at this 

" Thirdly, We seek that the holy Sacrament of Baptism may 
be used in the vulgar tongue; so that the godfathers and 
witnesses may not only understand the points of the league 
and contract made betwixt God and the infant, but also that 
the Church then assembled may be more gravely informed 
and instructed of the duties which at all times they owe to 
God, according to the promise made unto Him, when they were 
received into His household by the lavachre l of spiritual re 

" Fourthly, We desire that the holy Sacrament of the Lord s 
Supper, or of His most blessed body and blood, may likewise 
be ministered unto us in the vulgar tongue ; and in both kinds, 
according to the plain institution of our Saviour Christ 

" Lastly, We most humbly require that the wicked, slander 
ous, and detestable life of prelates, and of the estate ecclesias 
tical may be so reformed, that the people may not have occasion 
(as for many days they have had) to contemn their ministers, 
and the preaching whereof they should be messengers. If they 
suspect that we, envying their honours or coveting their riches 
and possessions rather than zealously desiring their amendment 
and salvation, do travail and labour for this Reformation ; we 
are content not only that the rules and precepts of the New 
Testament, but also the writings of the ancient fathers, and the 

1 Washing. 


godly approved laws of Justinian the Emperor, decide the con 
troversy between us and them. And if it shall be found that 
either malevolently or ignorantly we ask more than these 
three forenamed have required and continually do require of 
able and true ministers in Christ s Church, we refuse not 
correction, as your Grace, with right judgment, shall think 
meet. But if all the forenamed shall damn that which we 
damn and approve that which we require, then we most 
earnestly beseech your Grace that, notwithstanding the long 
consuetude which they have had to live as they list, they be 
compelled either to desist from ecclesiastical administration, or 
to discharge their duties as becometh true ministers ; so that, 
the grave and godly face of the primitive Church reduced, 1 
ignorance may be expelled and true doctrine and good manners 
may once again appear in the Church of this realm. 

" These things we, as most obedient subjects, require of your 
Grace, in the name of the Eternal God and of His Son Christ 
Jesus, in presence of whose throne judicial, ye and all other that 
here on earth bear authority shall give account of your temporal 
regiment. The Spirit of the Lord Jesus move your Grace s 
heart to justice and equity. Amen." 

When these petitions were presented, the Estate 
Papists Ecclesiastical began to storm and to devise all manner 
oSputa- f ^ es to deface the equity of our cause. They 
Article^ bragged that they would have public disputation. 
at!on ncili ~ This we most earnestly asked them to arrange, upon 
two conditions: the one, that the plain and written 
Scriptures of God should decide all controversy ; the other, 
that our brethren, of whom some were then exiled and by 
them unjustly condemned, might have free access to the said 
disputation, and safe conduct to return to their dwelling 
places, notwithstanding any process which before had been 
led against them in matters concerning religion. But these 
preliminary conditions were utterly denied. No judge would 
they admit but themselves, their Councils, and Canon law. 
They and their faction began to draw up certain Articles of 
Reconciliation. These stipulated that we should permit the 

1 Brought back. 

142 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

Mass to remain in reverence and estimation, grant purgatory 
after this life, confess prayer to saints and for the dead, and 
suffer them to enjoy their accustomed rents, possession, and 
honour. Upon these terms, they were prepared to grant us 
freedom to pray and baptize in the vulgar tongue, if this were 
done secretly, and not in the open assembly. 

The grossness of these articles was such, that with one 
voice we refused them ; and continued to crave justice from 
the Queen Regent, and a reasonable answer to our former 
petitions. The Queen Regent, a woman crafty, dissimulate, 
and false, thinking to make profit of both parties, gave us 
permission to conduct ourselves in godly manner, according to 
our desires, provided that we should not make public assemblies 
in Edinburgh or Leith ; and she promised her assistance to 
our preachers, until some uniform order might be established 
by a Parliament. To the clergy, she quietly gave signification 
of her mind, promising that, as soon as opportunity should 
serve, she should so arrange matters for them that they should 
have no more trouble. Some say that they gave her a large 
purse, 40,000 pounds, says the Chronicle gathered by Sir 
William Bruce, the Laird of Earlshall. Unsuspecting of her 
doubleness and falsehood, we were fully contented with her 
answer; and did use ourselves so quietly that, for her pleasure, 
we put silence to John Douglas. He would have preached 
publicly in the town of Leith ; but in all things we sought the 
contentment of her mind, so far as we should not offend 
God by obeying her in things unlawful. 

Shortly after these things, that cruel tyrant and 
tionat unmerciful hypocrite, falsely called Archbishop of St. 
Andrews: Andrews, apprehended that blessed martyr of Christ 

Walter ^ . J 

Myinis Jesus, Walter Myln; a man of decrepit age, whom 
most cruelly and most unjustly he put to death by 
fire in St. Andrews, the twenty-eighth day of April, the year of 
God 1558. This did highly offend the hearts of all godly, and 
immediately after his death a new fervency arose amongst 
the whole people; yea, even in the town of St. Andrews, 
the people began plainly to damn such unjust cruelty. In 
testification that the death of Walter Myln would abide 


in recent memory, there was cast together a great heap of 
stones at the place where he was burned. The Archbishop 
and the priests, offended, caused this to be removed once or 
twice, with denunciation, by cursing, of any man who should 
there lay a stone. But their breath was spent in vain ; for the 
heap was always renewed, until the priests and papists did by 
night steal away the stones to build their walls, and for other 
their private uses. 

Having no suspicion that the Queen Kegent approved of 
the murder of Walter Myln, we did most humbly complain 
of this unjust cruelty, requiring that justice in such cases 
should be administered with greater indifference. 1 A woman 
born to dissemble and deceive, she began to lament to us the 
cruelty of the Archbishop, excusing herself as innocent. She 
declared that sentence had been given without her knowledge, 
because the man had been a priest at one time ; and the Arch 
bishop s officer had prosecuted him without any commission 
from the civil authority, ex officio, as they term it. 

Still unsuspicious, we required some order to be 
Protest- taken against such enormities ; and this she pro- 
appeal to raised, as sne na( i often done before. But because 
Jnent a ~ a Parliament was to be held shortly after, for certain 
affairs pertaining rather to the Queen s particular 
profit than to the commodity of the commonwealth, we 
thought good to expose our matter unto the whole Parliament, 
and from them to seek some redress. Therefore, with one 
consent, we did offer to the Queen and Parliament a letter in 
this tenor : 

" Unto your Grace, and unto you, Right Honourable Lords 
of this present Parliament, humbly mean and show your 
Grace s faithful and obedient subjects : That we are daily 
molested, slandered, and injured by wicked and ignorant 
persons, place-holders of the ministers of the Church, who 
most untruly cease not to infame us as heretics, and under 
that name most cruelly have persecuted divers of our brethren, 
and further intend to execute their malice against us, unless 
by some godly order their fury and rage be bridled and 

1 Impartiality. 

144 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

stayed. Yet in us they are able to prove no crime worthy 
of punishment, unless it be that to read the Holy Scriptures 
in our assemblies, to invocate the name of God in public 
prayers, with all sobriety to interpret and open the places 
of Scripture that be read, to the further edification of the 
brethren assembled, and truly according to the holy institution 
of Christ Jesus to minister the Sacraments, are crimes worthy 
of punishment. Of other crimes they are not able to convict 
us. ... Most humbly require we of your Grace, and of your 
right honourable Lords, Barons, and Burgesses assembled in 
this present Parliament, prudently to weigh, and, as becometh 
just judges, to grant these our most just and reasonable 
petitions : 

" Firstly, . . . We most humbly desire that all such Acts 
of Parliament, as in the time of darkness gave power to the 
Churchmen to execute their tyranny against us, by reason that 
we were delated heretics, may be suspended and abrogated 
until a General Council, lawfully assembled, shall have decided 
all controversies in religion. 

" Secondly, Lest this mutation should seem to set all men 
at liberty to live as they list, we require that it be enacted by 
this present Parliament that the prelates and their officers be 
removed from the place of judgment; granting unto them, 
not the less, the place of accusers in the presence of a temporal 
judge, before whom the Churchmen shall be bound to call any 
accused by them of heresy. . . . 

" Thirdly, We require, that all lawful defences be granted 
to the persons accused. . . . Also, that place be granted to the 
party accused to explain and interpret his own mind and 
meaning ; which confession we require to be inserted in public 
Acts, and to be preferred to the depositions of any witnesses, 
seeing that none that is not found obstinate in his damnable 
opinion ought to suffer for religion. 

" Lastly, We require, that our brethren be not damned for 
heretics, unless, by the manifest Word of God, they be con 
victed to have erred from that faith which the Holy Spirit 
witnesseth to be necessary to salvation. . . . 

"These things require we to be considered by you, who 


occupy the place of the Eternal God, who is God of order and 
truth, even in such sort as ye will answer in the presence of 
His throne judicial. And we require, further, that ye will 
favourably have respect to the tenderness of our consciences, 
and to the trouble which apparently will follow in this 
commonwealth, if the tyranny of the Prelates and of their 
adherents be not bridled by God and just laws. God move 
your hearts deeply to consider your own duties and our 
present troubles." 

These petitions did we first present to the Queen 
Regent Regent, because we were determined to enterprise 
nothing without her knowledge, most humbly requir- 
i n ner f av o ura We assistance in our just action. She 
Refo?m d spared not amiable looks, and good words in abund 
ance ; but she kept our bill in her pocket. When we 
required secretly of her Grace that our Petitions should be 
proposed to the whole Assembly, she answered that she did 
not think that expedient; for then would the whole ecclesi 
astical Estate be contrary to her proceedings. These at that 
time were great ; for the matrimonial crown was asked, and in 
that Parliament granted. " But," said she, " as soon as order 
can be taken with these things, which now may be hindered 
by the Kirkmen, ye shall know my good mind ; and, in the 
meantime, whatsoever I may grant unto you shall gladly be 

Still suspecting nothing of her falsehood, we were content 
to give place for a time to her pleasure and pretended reason. 
Yet we thought expedient to protest somewhat before the 
dissolution of Parliament; for our Petitions were manifestly 
known to the whole Assembly, as also that, for the Queen s 
pleasure, we ceased to pursue the uttermost. . . . 

Our protestations were publicly read, and we desired that 
they should be inserted in the common register; but by 
labours of enemies that was denied unto us. Nevertheless, 
the Queen Pvegent said, " Me will remember what is protested ; 
and me shall put good order after this to all things that now 
be in controversy." Thus, after she had by craft obtained her 
purpose, we departed in good hope of her favours, praising 

146 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

God in our hearts that she was so well inclined towards 
godliness. The good opinion that we had of her sincerity 
caused us not only to spend our goods and hazard our bodies 
at her pleasure, but also, by our public letters written to that 
excellent servant of God, John Calvin, we did praise and 
commend her for excellent knowledge in God s Word and her 
good- will towards the advancement of His glory ; requiring of 
him that, by his grave counsel and godly exhortation, he would 
animate her Grace constantly to follow that which in godly 
fashion she had begun. We did further sharply rebuke, both 
by word and writing, all such as appeared to suspect any 
venom of hypocrisy in her, or were contrary to that opinion 
which we had conceived of her godly mind. 

Suddenly, it became certain that we were deceived 

Treachery . . . 

of the in our opinion, and abused by her craft. As soon as 
the all things pertaining to the commodity of France were 

Preachers , to , J / , . ,_. 

are granted by us, and peace was contracted betwixt King 

Philip and France, and England and us, she began 
to spue forth, and disclose the latent venom of her double 
heart. She began to frown, and to look frowardly upon all 
such as she knew to favour the Evangel of Jesus Christ. She 
commanded her household to use all abominations at Easter ; 
and she herself, to give example to others, did communicate 
with that idol, the Mass, in open audience ; she controlled 
her household, and would know where every one received 
the Sacrament. It is supposed that after that day the Devil 
took more violent and strong possession in her than he had 
before ; for, from that day forward, she appeared altogether 
altered, insomuch that her countenance and acts did declare 
the venom of her heart. 

When, incontinently, the Queen caused our preachers to 
be summoned, we made intercession for them, beseeching her 
Grace not to molest them then in their ministry, unless any 
man were able to convict them of false doctrine. But she 
could not bridle her tongue from open blasphemy, and proudly 
said, " In despite of you and of your ministers both, they shall 
be banished out of Scotland, albeit they preached as truly as 
ever did St. Paul." This proud and blasphemous answer did 


greatly astonish us ; and yet ceased we not most humbly to 
seek her favour, and by great diligence at last secured that 
the summonses should be delayed. Alexander, Earl of Glen- 
cairn, and Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun, knight, Sheriff of 
Ayr, were sent to reason with her, and to crave some per 
formance of her manifold promises. To them she answered 
that it became not the subjects to burden their Princes with 
promises, further than it pleaseth them to keep these. Both 
these noblemen faithfully and boldly discharged their duty, 
and plainly forewarned her of the inconveniences that were 
to follow. Thereupon, somewhat astonished, she said she 
would advise. 

In the meantime the town of Perth, called St. 
Revival Johnston, embraced the truth, and this did provoke 
Fur y erth: ner t a new ft irv J i n which she urged the Lord 
Regent Kuthven, Provost of that town, to suppress all such 
religion there. He replied that he could make their 
bodies come to her Grace, and prostrate themselves before her, 
until she was fully satiate of their blood, but that he could 
not promise to force them to act against their conscience. In 
a fury, she said that he was too malapert to give her such 
answer, and affirmed that both he and they should repent it. 
She solicited Master John Haliburton, Provost of Dundee, to 
apprehend Paul Methven, but he, fearing God, gave secret 
warning to the man to leave the town for a time. At Easter, 
she sent forth men whom she thought most able to persuade, 
with commission to induce Montrose, Dundee, St. Johnston, 
and such other places as had received the Evangel, to com 
municate with the idol of the Mass ; but they had no success. 
The hearts of many were bent to follow the truth revealed, 
and did abhor superstition and idolatry. 

More angry than ever, she again summoned all the preachers 
to appear at Stirling, on the tenth day of May 1559. With 
all humble obedience, we sought means to appease her, and 
save our preachers from being molested. When it was seen 
that we could not prevail, the whole brethren agreed that the 
gentlemen of every county should accompany their preachers 
on the day appointed. All men were most willing; and for 

148 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

that purpose the town of Dundee, and the gentlemen of Angus 
and Mearns, proceeded with their preachers to Perth, with 
out armour, as peaceable men, desiring only to give confession 
with their preachers. Lest such a multitude should raise 
the apprehensions of the Queen Regent, the Laird of Dun, a 
zealous, prudent, and godly man, went before to the Queen, 
who was then in Stirling. To her he declared that the cause 
of their convocation was only to give confession with their 
preachers, and to assist them in their just defence. She, under 
standing the fervency of the people, began to craft with him, 
soliciting him to stay the multitude, and also the preachers, 
promising that she would make some better arrangements. 
He, a man most gentle of nature, and most willing to please 
her in all things not repugnant to God, wrote requesting those 
that then were assembled at Perth to stay, and not to come 
forward, and informed them of the Queen s promise and the 
hope he had of her favour. ... So did the whole multitude 
tarry at Perth with their preachers. 

In the meantime, on the second of May 1559, John 
rei"i!s nox Knox arrived from France. Lodging two nights only 
F?nce, i n Edinburgh, and hearing the day appointed to his 
the tro- s brethren, he repaired to Dundee. There he earnestly 
pJrt tsat required that he might be permitted to assist his 
brethren, and to give confession of his faith with them. 
This granted to him, he departed to Perth with them; and 
there he began to exhort, according to the grace of God granted 
to him. The Queen, perceiving that the preachers did not 
obey her summons, began to utter her malice ; and, notwith 
standing any request made to the contrary, gave commandment 
to put them to the horn, 1 inhibiting all men under pain of 
rebellion to assist, comfort, receive or maintain them in any 
way. When this extremity was perceived by the Laird of 
Dun, he prudently withdrew himself; for otherwise, by all 
appearance, he would not have escaped imprisonment. In this 
belief he was justified by the fact that the Master of Maxwell, 
a man zealous and stout in God s cause, as it then appeared, 
was, under the cloak of another small crime, that same day 

1 Formal process of outlawry. 


put under arrest, because he did boldly affirm that, to the 
uttermost of his power, he would assist the preachers and the 
congregation, notwithstanding any sentence which was, or 
should be, unjustly pronounced against them. The Laird of 
Dun, coming to Perth, expounded the case, and concealed 
nothing of the Queen s craft and falsehood. 

The multitude, when they understood the Queen s 
wreck the treachery, were so inflamed that neither could the 
and destroyexhortation of the preachers nor the commandment 
teriesin of the magistrate stay them from destroying the 
places of idolatry. What happened was as follows. 
The preachers had declared how odious was idolatry in God s 
presence; what commandment He had given for the destruc 
tion of the monuments thereof; and what idolatry and what 
abomination was in the Mass. It chanced that the next day, 
the eleventh of May, after the sermon which had been vehement 
against idolatry, a priest in contempt insisted upon going to 
the Mass ; and, to declare his malapert presumption, he opened 
up a glorious tabernacle which stood upon the high altar. 
Certain godly men were present, and amongst others a young 
boy, who cried with a loud voice, " It is intolerable that, 
when God by His Word hath plainly damned idolatry, we shall 
stand and see it used in despite." The priest, offended, gave 
the child a great blow ; who in anger took up a stone, and 
casting it at the priest, did hit the tabernacle and broke down 
an image. 

Immediately the whole multitude cast stones, and laid 
hands on the said tabernacle, and on all other monuments of 
idolatry. These they dispatched before the tenth part of the 
town s people were made aware, for the most part were gone 
to dinner. These deeds noised abroad, the whole multitude 
came together, not the gentlemen or those that were earnest 
professors, but the rascal multitude. Finding nothing to do 
in that church, these ran without deliberation to the Grey 
and Black Friars, and, notwithstanding that these monasteries 
had within them very strong guards for their defence, their 
gates were forthwith burst open. Idolatry was the occasion of 
the first outburst, but thereafter the common people began 

150 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

to look for spoil. In very deed, the Grey Friars was so well 
provided that unless honest men had seen it, we would have 
feared to report what provision they had. Their sheets, 
blankets, beds, and coverlets were such that no Earl in Scot 
land had better; their napery was fine. There were but 
eight persons in the convent, and yet there were found eight 
puncheons of salt beef (consider the time of the year, the 
eleventh day of May), wine, beer, and ale, besides store of 
victuals of the same sort. A like abundance was not found 
in the monastery of the Black Friars ; and yet there was more 
than became men professing poverty. The poor were permitted 
to take the spoil ; but no honest man was enriched by the 
value of a groat. For the preachers had before threatened 
all men, that for covetousness sake none should put their 
hand to such a Reformation. 

The conscience of the spoilers did so move them, that they 
suffered those hypocrites to take away what they could. The 
Prior of Charter-house was permitted to take away with him 
as much gold and silver as he was well able to carry. So 
had men s consciences before been beaten with the Word, that 
they had no respect to their own particular profit, but only 
to abolish idolatry, and the places and monuments thereof. 
In this they were so busy and so laborious that, within 
two days, these three great places, monuments of idolatry, to 
wit, the monasteries of the Grey and Black thieves and that 
of the Charter -house monks (a building of a wondrous cost and 
greatness) were so destroyed that only the walls remained. 

When the Queen heard what had happened, she was so 
enraged that she vowed utterly to destroy Perth, man, woman, 
and child, to consume the place by fire, and thereafter to salt it, 
in sign of a perpetual desolation. Suspecting nothing of such 
beastly cruelty, but thinking that such words might escape 
her in choler without forethought, because she was a woman 
set afire by the complaints of those hypocrites who nocked 
unto her as ravens to carrion, we returned to our own houses, 
leaving John Knox in Perth to instruct the people, because 
they were young and rude in Christ. But she continued in 
her rage, set afire partly by her own malice, partly by com- 


mandment of her friends in France, and not a little by the 
bribes which she and Monsieur D Oysel received from the 
bishops and the priests here at home. 

The Queen first sent for all the Nobility, and to 

The Queen 

rag-es them she complained that we meant nothing but a 
up the rebellion. She did grievously aggreage l the destruc 
tion of the Charter-house, because it was a King s 
foundation, and contained the tomb of King James the First. 
By these and other persuasions, she made the majority of them 
consent to attack us. And then in haste she sent for her 
Frenchmen ; for it was ever her joy to see Scotsmen dipped 
in one another s blood. No man was at that time more frack 
against us than was the Duke, led on by that cruel beast, the 
Archbishop of St. Andrews, and by those that yet abuse him, 
the Abbot of Kilwinning and Matthew Hamilton of Millburn, 
two chief enemies to Christ Jesus ; yea, enemies to the Duke 
himself and to his whole house, in so far as at least they may 
procure their own particular profit. These and such other 
pestilent papists ceased not to cast faggots on the fire, con 
tinually crying, "Forward upon these heretics; we shall for 
once and all rid this realm of them." 

Hearing of this, some of us repaired to Perth again about 
the twenty-second day of May, and there we did abide for the 
comfort of our brethren. After invocation of the name of 
God, we began so to fortify the town and ourselves in the 
manner that we thought might prove best for our just defence. 
And, because we were not utterly despaired of the Queen s 
favour, we drew up a letter to her Grace, as followeth : 

"To THE QUEEN S GRACE REGENT, all humble obedience 
and duty premised. As heretofore, with jeopardy of our lives, 
and yet with willing hearts, we have served the authority of 
Scotland, and your Grace, now Regent in this realm, in service 
dangerous and painful to our bodies ; so now, with most 
dolorous minds we are constrained by unjust tyranny purposed 
against us to declare unto your Grace, that, unless this cruelty 
be stayed by your wisdom, we will be compelled to take the 

1 Aggravate. 

i 5 2 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

sword of just defence against all that shall pursue us for 
the matter of religion, and for our conscience sake ; which 
ought not, nor may not, be subject to mortal creatures, farther 
than by God s Word man be able to prove that he hath power 
to command us. 

" We signify moreover unto your Grace, that if by rigour 
we be compelled to seek the extreme defence, we will not only 
notify our innocence and petitions to the King of France, to 
our Mistress and to her husband, but also to the Princes and 
Council of every Christian realm, declaring unto them that 
this cruel, unjust, and most tyrannical murder, intended against 
towns and multitudes, was and is the only cause of our revolt 
from our accustomed obedience, which, in God s presence, we 
faithfully promise to our Sovereign Mistress, to her husband, 
and unto your Grace Eegent ; provided that our consciences 
may live in that peace and liberty which Christ Jesus hath 
purchased unto us by His blood ; and that we may have His 
Word truly preached, and holy Sacraments rightly ministrate 
unto us, without which we firmly purpose never to be subject 
to mortal man. For we think it better to expose our bodies 
to a thousand deaths than to hazard our souls to perpetual 
condemnation, by denying Christ Jesus and His manifest 
verity, which thing not only do they that commit open 
idolatry, but also all such as, seeing their brethren unjustly 
pursued for the cause of religion, and having sufficient means 
to comfort and assist them, do not-the-less withdraw from 
them their dutiful support. 

" Your Grace s obedient subjects in all things not repugnant 
to God, 


In the same tenor we wrote to Monsieur D Oysel in 
French, requiring of him that, by his wisdom, he would 
mitigate the Queen s rage, and the rage of the priests; and 
warning him that otherwise that flame, then beginning to 
burn, would so kindle that it could not be sleekened. We 
added that he declared himself no faithful servant to his 


master the King of France if, for the pleasure of the priests, 
he persecuted us, and so compelled us to take the sword of 
just defence. In like manner we wrote to Captain Serra la 
Burse, and to all other captains and French soldiers in 
general, admonishing them that their vocation was not to 
fight against us natural Scotsmen ; and that they had no such 
commandment from their master. We besought them, there 
fore, not to provoke us to enmity against them, considering 
that they had found us favourable in their most extreme 
necessities. We declared further unto them that, if they 
entered into hostility and bloody war against us, this 
should continue longer than their and our lives, to wit, even 
in all posterity to come, so long as natural Scotsmen should 
have power to revenge such cruelty, and most horrible 
ingratitude. . . . 

Our letters were suppressed to the uttermost of 
testants the power of the enemy, and yet they came to the 
knowledge of many. But the rage of the Queen and 

oTcon- y priests could not be stayed ; and they moved forward 

science. . JIT p n 

against us: we were then but a very few and mean 
number of gentlemen in Perth. Perceiving the extremity to 
approach, we wrote to all brethren enjoining them to repair 
towards us for our relief. To this we found all men so readily 
bent, that the work of God was evident. And, because we 
wished to leave nothing undone that would declare our 
innocency to all men, we addressed a letter to those of the 
nobility who then persecuted us. . . . 

When our letters were divulged, some man began to reason 
whether of conscience it would be right to make war upon us, 
considering that we offered due obedience to the authority, 
and required nothing but liberty of conscience, and that our 
religion and actions should be tried by the Word of God. 
Our letters came with convenient expedition to the hands of 
the brethren in Cunningham and Kyle. These convened at 
the Kirk of Craigie, where, after some contrarious reasons, 
Alexander, Earl of Glencairn, in zeal, burst forth in these 
words, " Let every man serve his conscience. I will, by God s 
grace, see my brethren in Perth ; yea, albeit never man should 

154 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

accompany me, I will go, were it but with a pike upon my 
shoulder; for I had rather die with that company than live 
after them." These words so encouraged the rest that all 
decided to go forward, and that they did so stoutly that, when 
Lion Herald, in his coat armour, by public sound of trumpet 
in Glasgow, commanded all men under pain of treason to 
return to their houses, never man obeyed that charge, but all 
went forward. . . . 

The rival ^ ur re( l ues ^ s an( ^ advertisements notwithstanding, 
Forces are Monsieur D Oysel and his Frenchmen, with the 


outside priests and their bands, marched against Perth, and 
approached within ten miles of the town. Then 
repaired the brethren from all quarters for our relief. The 
gentlemen of Fife, Angus, and Mearns, with the town of 
Dundee, first hazarded resistance to the enemy ; and for that 
purpose chose a platt of ground, distant a mile and more from 
the town. In the meantime the Lord Kuthven, Provost of 
Perth, and a man whom many judged godly and stout in that 
action (as in very deed he was, even unto his last breath), left 
the town, and departed first to his own place, and afterwards 
to the Queen. His defection and revolt was a great discourage 
ment to the hearts of many ; and yet God did so comfort that, 
within the space of twelve hours after, the hearts of all men 
were erected again. Those then assembled did not so much 
hope for victory by their own strength, as by the power of 
Him whose truth they professed ; and they began to comfort 
one another, until the whole multitude was encouraged by a 
reasonable hope. 

The day after the Lord Ruthven departed, which 
was the twenty-fourth of May, the Earl of Argyll, 
Quee b n y : the Lord James, Prior of St. Andrews, and the Lord 
jth r jo e h Semple arrived in Perth, with commission from the 
May x i5s 9 . Queen Regent to inquire into the cause of the con 
vocation of lieges there. ... On the morning of the 
day after that, the twenty-fifth day of May, before the said 
Lords departed, John Knox desired to speak with them, and, 
permission being granted, he was conveyed to their lodging by 
the Laird of Balvaird, and thus he began : 


" Not only the hearts of the true servants of God, but also 
those of all who bear any favour to their country and fellow- 
countrymen, ought to be moved by the present troubles to 
descend within themselves and to consider deeply what shall 
be the end of this pretended tyranny. . . . 

" Firstly, I most humbly require of you, rny Lords, to say 
to the Queen s Grace Eegent, in my name, that we whom she 
in her blind rage doth persecute are God s servants, and faithful 
and obedient subjects to the authority of this realm ; that that 
religion which she pretendeth to maintain by fire and sword is 
not the true religion of Christ Jesus, but is expressly contrary 
to it, a superstition devised by the brain of man ; which I offer 
myself to prove against all that within Scotland will maintain 
the contrary, liberty of tongue being granted to me, and God s 
written Word being admitted for judge. 

" And, secondly, I farther require your Honours to say 
unto her Grace, in my name, that, as I have already written, 
so now I say that this enterprise of hers shall not prosper in 
the end ; and albeit for a time she trouble the saints of God, 
she does not fight against man only, but against the eternal 
God and His invincible truth ; and the end shall be her con 
fusion, unless she repent and desist betimes. 

" These things I require of you, in the name of the eternal 
God, to say unto her Grace as from my mouth ; adding that 
I have been and am a more assured friend to her Grace than 
are these servants to her corrupt appetites, who either flatter 
her, or else inflame her against ns. We seek nothing but the 
advance of God s glory, suppression of vice, and the main 
tenance of truth in this poor realm." 

All three did promise to report these words so far as they 
could, and we learned afterwards that they did so. Yea, the 
Lord Semple himself, a man sold under sin, enemy to God 
and to all godliness, yet made such report that the Queen 
was somewhat offended that any man should use such liberty 
in her presence. She still proceeded in her malice ; for she 
sent her Lion Herald immediately after with letters in which 
all men were straitly charged to quit the town, under pain 
of treason. After he had declared these letters to the chief 

156 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

men of the congregation, the Herald proclaimed them publicly, 
upon Sunday, the twenty-eighth of May. 

In the meantime, sure knowledge came to the 
Nobmty of Queen, to the Duke, and to Monsieur D Oysel, that 
the Earl of Glencairn, the Lords Ochiltree and Boyd, 
the 7 oun g Sheriff of Ayr, the Lairds of Craigie- 
Rlge h nt theWallace > Cessnock, Carnell, Barr, Gadgirth, and the 
Fright, whole congregation of Kyle and Cunningham, ap 
proached for our relief. In very deed they came with 
such diligence, and in such a number that the enemy had 
just cause to fear, and all that professed Christ Jesus had just 
matter to praise God for their fidelity and stout courage in that 
need ; for the tyranny of the enemy was bridled by their 
presence. . . . Their number was estimated at twenty-five 
hundred men, and of these twelve hundred were horsemen. 
The Queen, understanding how the said Earl and Lords 
approached with their company, caused all ways to be beset, 
so that no information should come to us, and that we, 
despairing of support, might consent to the terms required 
by her. At the same time, she sent to require that some 
discreet men of our number should come and speak with the 
Duke and Monsieur D Oysel (who lay with their army at 
Auchterarder, ten miles from Perth) for the purpose of making 
some reasonable appointment. . . . 

From us were sent the Laird of Dun, the Laird of Inver- 
quharity, and Thomas Scott of Abbotshall to learn what 
appointment the Queen would offer. The Duke and Monsieur 
D Oysel required that access to the town should be given, and 
that all matters in dispute should be referred to the Queen s 
pleasure. To this they answered that neither had they com 
mission so to promise, nor durst they conscientiously persuade 
their brethren to agree to such a promise. But, they said, if the 
Queen s Grace would promise that no inhabitant of the town 
should be troubled for any such crimes as might be alleged 
against them for the late change of religion, and the abolition 
of idolatry and downcasting of the places of idolatry ; and if she 
would suffer that the religion begun should continue, and would 
on her departure leave the town free from the garrisons of 


French soldiers, they for their part would labour to secure from 
their brethren that the Queen should be obeyed in all things. 

Monsieur D Oysel perceived the danger to be great, should 
a speedy appointment not be made. He saw, also, that they 
would not be able to execute their tyranny against us after the 
congregation of Kyle, of whose coming we had no information, 
should be joined with us. So, with good words, he dismissed 
the said Lords to persuade the brethren to quiet concord. All 
men were well disposed to this course, and with one voice they 
cried, " Cursed be they that seek effusion of blood, war, or 
dissension. Let us possess Christ Jesus, and the benefit of His 
Evangel, and none within Scotland shall be more obedient 
subjects than we shall be." After the coming of the Earl of 
Glencairn was known, the enemy quaked for fear, and with all 
expedition there were sent from Stirling again the Earl of 
Argyll and the Lord James, in company with a crafty man, 
Master Gavin Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, to finish the 
appointment foresaid. . . . 

With the Earl of Glencairn came our loving 
Appoint- brother John Willock John Knox was in the town 

a \" h^d U p already. These two went to the Earl of Argyll and 
1559 May P r i r > an d accused them of disloyalty, in that they 
had defrauded their brethren of their dutiful support 
and comfort in time of their greatest necessity. They both 
answered that their heart was constant with their brethren, 
and that they would defend the cause to the uttermost of their 
power. But because they had promised to labour for concord 
and to assist the Queen should we refuse reasonable offers, 
conscience and honour did not permit them to do less than be 
faithful in their promise made. Therefore, they required that 
the brethren might be persuaded to consent to that reasonable 
appointment ; promising, in God s presence, that, if the Queen 
did break in any jot thereof, they, with their whole powers, 
would assist and co-operate with their brethren in all times to 
come. This promise made, the preachers appeased the multi 
tude, and ultimately secured the consent of all men to the 
appointment foresaid ; although they did not obtain this 
without great labour. And no wonder, for many foresaw the 

158 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

danger to follow ; yea, the preachers themselves, in open 
sermon, did affirm plainly that they were assuredly persuaded 
that the Queen did not mean to act in good faith. But, to 
stop the mouth of the adversary, who unjustly accused us of 
rebellion, they most earnestly required all men to approve the 
appointment, and so to suffer hypocrisy to disclose itself. The 
appointment was concluded on the twenty-eighth of May, and on 
the day following the Congregation departed from Perth. . . . 
Before the Lords departed they made this bond : 
Intihl rds " At Perth, the last day of May, the year of God 
Congrega- 1559 ; the Congregations of the West country, with the 

tion mak 
a fresh 

Covenant. Congregations of Fife, Perth, Dundee, Angus, Mearns, 
and Montrose, being convened in the town of Perth, in 
the name of Jesus Christ, for forthsetting of His glory ; under 
standing nothing more necessary for the same than to keep a 
constant amity, unity, and fellowship together, according as 
they are commanded by God, are confederate, and become 
bound and obliged, in the presence of God, to concur and assist 
together in doing all things required by God in His Scripture, 
that may be to His glory; and with their whole power to 
destroy, and put away all things that do dishonour to His 
name, so that God may be truly and purely worshipped. And 
in case any trouble is intended against the said Congregation, 
or any part or member thereof, the whole Congregation shall 
concur, assist, and convene together, to the defence of the 
Congregation or person troubled ; and shall not spare labours, 
goods, substance, bodies, and lives, in maintaining the liberty 
of the whole Congregation, and every member thereof, against 
whatsoever power shall intend the said trouble, for the cause of 
religion or any other cause dependent thereupon, or laid to 
their charge under pretence thereof, although it happen to be 
coloured with any other outward cause. In witnessing and 
testimony of this, the whole Congregations foresaid have 
ordained and appointed the Noblemen and persons under 
written to subscribe these presents. 





On the twenty - ninth of May the Queen, the 
Regent Duke, Monsieur D Oysel, and the Frenchmen entered 
Perth, and Perth. . . . The swarm of Papists that entered with 
breaks her began at once to make provision for their Mass. 

Faith with mi /-\ t 11 11 

the Con- . . . Ihe Queen began to rage against all godly and 
11 honest men ; their houses were oppressed by the 
Frenchmen ; the lawful magistrates, Provost as well as Bailies, 
were unjustly and irregularly deposed from their authority. A 
wicked man, void of God s fear, and destitute of all virtue, the 
Laird of Kinfauns, was intrused by her as Provost of the 
town. . . . She gave order that four ensenyes l of the soldiers 
should abide in the town, to maintain idolatry and to resist the 
Congregation. Honest and indifferent men asked why she did 
so manifestly violate her promise. She answered that she was 
bound to keep no promise to heretics ; and, moreover, that she 
had only promised to leave the town free of French soldiers. 
This last she said she had done, because those that were left 
were Scotsmen. When it was reasoned, to the contrary, that all 
those who took wages of France were accounted French soldiers, 
she answered, " Princes must not so straitly be bound to keep 
their promises. Myself," said she, " would make little conscience 
to take from all that sort their lives and inheritance, if I might 
do it with as honest an excuse." And then she left the town 
in extreme bondage, after her ungodly Frenchmen had most 
cruelly treated the majority of the citizens that remained. 

The Earl of Argyll, and Lord James, perceiving in 
^ ne Queen nothing but mere tyranny and falsehood, 
t anc ^ mm dful of their former promises to their brethren, 
f n re d turn nes secret ly conveyed themselves and their companies from 
the town. With them departed the Lord Ruthven, 
the Earl of Menteith, and the Laird of Tullibardine. . . . The 
Queen, highly offended at the sudden departure of these 
persons, charged them to return, under the highest pain of 
her displeasure. But they answered that they could not, with 
safe conscience, be partakers in so manifest tyranny as that 
committed by her, and in the great iniquity which they 
perceived to be devised by her and her ungodly Council, the 

1 Companies. 

160 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

prelates. This answer was given to her on the first day of 
June, and immediately the Earl of Argyll and Lord James 
repaired toward St. Andrews, and in their journey intimated to 
the Laird of Dun, to the Laird of Pittarrow, to the Provost of 
Dundee, and to other professors in Angus, their desire that 
they should visit them in St. Andrews on the fourth of June, 
that Eeformation might be made there. This they did, bring 
ing John Knox in their company. 

The Archbishop, hearing of Reformation to be 
bishop made in his cathedral Church, thought it time to 
Andrews stir if ever he were to do so. He assembled 
Kn?xfrom his colleagues and confederate fellows, besides his 
s other friends, and came to the town upon the 
Saturday night, accompanied by a hundred spears, desiring 
to have stopped John Knox from preaching. The two Lords 
and gentlemen foresaid were only accompanied by their quiet 
households, and the sudden coming of the Archbishop was the 
more fearful ; for the Queen and her Frenchmen having departed 
from Perth, were then lying in Falkland, within twelve miles 
of St. Andrews. Besides, the town had not at that time given 
profession of Christ, and therefore the Lords could not be 
assured of their friendship. After consultation, many were of 
opinion that the preaching should be delayed for that day, 
and especially that John Knox should not preach; for the 
Archbishop had affirmed that he would not suffer this, seeing 
that the picture of the said John had formerly been burned 
by his commandment. He instructed an honest gentleman, 
Robert Colville of Cleish, to say to the Lords that did John 
Knox present himself at the preaching place in his to\vn and 
principal church, he should " gar l him be saluted with a dozen 
culverins, whereof the most part should light upon his nose." 

After long deliberation, the said John was called, 
declines" * that his own judgment might be had. Many per- 
the e suasions were used to induce him to delay for that 
the Arch- time, and great terrors were threatened if he should 
lhop> enterprise such a thing, in seeming contempt of the 
Archbishop. But he answered, " God is witness that I never 

1 Cause. 


preached Christ Jesus in contempt of any man, nor am I 
disposed at any time to present myself at that place, from 
respect to my own private commodity, or to the worldly hurt 
of any creature ; but I cannot conscientiously delay to preach 
to-morrow, unless my body be violently withholden. In this 
town and church, God first began to call me to the dignity 
of a preacher. From this I was reft by the tyranny of 
France, by procurement of the bishops, as ye all know well 
enough. How long I continued prisoner, what torment I 
sustained in the galleys, and what were the sobs of my 
heart, it is now no time to recite. This only I cannot 
conceal. More than one have heard me say, when the body 
was far absent from Scotland, that my assured hope was that 
I should preach in St. Andrews in open audience before I 
departed this life. 

" Therefore," said John Knox, " my Lords, seeing that God 
hath, beyond the expectation of many, brought me in the body 
to the place where first I was called to the office of a preacher, 
and from the which most unjustly I was removed, I beseech 
your Honours not to stop me from presenting myself unto my 
brethren. As for the fear of danger that may come to me, let 
no man be solicitous. My life is in the custody of Him whose 
glory I seek ; and therefore I cannot so fear their boast or 
tyranny as to cease from doing my duty, when of His mercy 
He offereth occasion. I desire the hand or weapon of no man 
to defend me; only do I crave audience. If this be denied 
here to me at this time, I must seek further where I may 
have it." 

At these words, the Lords were fully content that 
p?eTcs x John Knox should occupy the preaching place, which 
Andrews ne did upon Sunday, the eleventh of June. In his 
the IZnu 6 : sermon he treated of the ejection of the buyers and 
wohitiy the sellers from the Temple of Jerusalem, as it is 
dotn ast written in the Evangelists, Matthew and John. He 
applied the corruption that was there to the corruption 
that is in the Papistry ; and Christ s act, to the duty of those 
to whom God giveth power and zeal thereto. The result 
was that the magistrates within the town, the provost and 

162 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

bailies, as well as the community for the most part, agreed 
to remove all monuments of idolatry, and this they did with 

The Archbishop, informed of this, departed that 
Reg-ent same day to the Queen, who lay in Falkland with her 
wk?P s Frenchmen, as we have said. The hot fury of the 
of the rces Archbishop did so kindle her choler (and yet the love 
tion are** was very cold betwixt them) that, without any further 
)ut delay, it was decided to invade St. Andrews. . . . 
When this was known, counsel was given to the Lords to 
march forward and get to Cupar before the Queen. This they 
did, giving notice to all brethren to repair towards them with 
possible expedition. This also was done with such diligence 
that in their assembling the wondrous work of God might 
have been espied. When the Lords came to Cupar at night, 
they were not a hundred horse, and a certain number- of foot 
men, whom Lord James brought from the coast side ; and yet, 
before the next day at twelve o clock, which was Tuesday, the 
thirteenth of June, their number exceeded three thousand 
men. . . . Finally, God did so multiply our number that it 
appeared as if men had rained from the clouds. The enemy, 
understanding nothing of our force, assured themselves of 
victory. . . . Before midnight they sent forward their 
ordnance, themselves following before three o clock in the 

The Lords, being notified of this, assembled their 
o?Ciar ir company upon Cupar Moor early in the morning. . . . 
Regent the T ^e Lord Euthven took charge of the horsemen, and so 
ArmiSlce? ordered them that the enemy was never permitted to 
espy our number ; the day was dark, and that helped. 
The enemy, thinking to have found no resistance, after they 
had twice or thrice made a feint of retiring, advanced with 
great expedition, and approached within a mile before ever 
their horsemen stayed. . . . After twelve o clock, the mist 
began to vanish, and then some of their horsemen occupied 
an eminence whence they might discern our number. When 
they perceived this, their horsemen and footmen came to a 
speedy halt. Posts ran to the Duke and Monsieur D Oysel to 


declare our number, and what order we kept ; and then 
were mediators sent to make appointment. They were not 
suffered to approach the Lords, nor yet to view our camp. 
This put them in greater fear. . . . Answer received, the 
Duke and Monsieur D Oysel, having commission from the 
Queen Regent, required that assurance 1 might be taken for 
eight days, to the end that indifferent men in the meantime 
might commune upon some final agreement concerning those 
things which were then in controversy. To this we fully 
consented, albeit that in number and force we were far 
superior. . . . 

The assurance granted by the Earl of Arran and others 
contained faithful promise, " that we, and our company fore- 
said, shall retire incontinent to Falkland, and shall with 
diligence transport the Frenchmen and our other folks now 
presently with us ; and that no Frenchman or other soldiers 
of ours, shall remain within the bounds of Fife, except as 
many as before the raising of the last army lay in Dysart, 
Kirkcaldy, and Kinghorn, these to lie in the same places 
only, if we shall think good. And this to have effect for the 
space of eight days following the date hereof exclusive, that in 
the meantime certain noblemen, by the advice of the Queen s 
Grace and rest of the Council, may convene to talk of such 
things as may make good order and quietness amongst the 
Queen s lieges. . . ." 

Having received this assurance, we departed first, 
eRegen e t because we were requested by the Duke to do so. We 
Faith? returned to Cupar, lauding and praising God for His 
mercy showed ; and thereafter every man departed to 
his dwelling place. The Lords and a great part of the gentle 
men proceeded to St. Andrews, and abode there certain days, 
always looking for those that had been promised to be sent 
from the Queen, for the preparation of an appointment. 
Perceiving her craft and deceit (for under that assurance she 
meant nothing else than to convey herself, her ordnance, and 
Frenchmen, over the water of Forth) we took consultation as 
to what should be done to deliver Perth from these ungodly 

1 Truce. 

164 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

soldiers, and how our brethren, exiled from their own houses, 
might be restored again. It was decided that the brethren of 
Fife, Angus, Mearns, and Strathearn should convene at Perth 
on the twenty-fourth day of June for that purpose; and in 
the meantime letters were written by the Earl of Argyll, and 
Lord James, to the Queen Eegent. . . . 

The Relief At Perth, a trumpet was sent by the Lords, com- 
of Perth. ma nding the captains and their bands to vacate the 
town, and to leave it to its ancient liberty and just inhabitants ; 
and also commanding them and the Laird of Kinfauns, provost, 
thrust upon the town by the Queen, to open the gates of the town 
and admit all our sovereign s lieges. ... To this they answered 
proudly that they would keep and defend that town, according 
to promise made to the Queen Eegent. . . . And so, upon 
Saturday, the twenty-fourth of June, at ten o clock at night, 
the Lord Euthven, who besieged the west quarter, commanded 
to shoot the first volley. This being done, the town of Dundee, 
whose ordnance lay upon the east side of the bridge, did the 
like. The captains and soldiers within the town, perceiving 
that they were unable long to resist, requested a truce until 
twelve o clock noon, promising that, if before that hour there 
came no relief to them from the Queen Eegent, they would 
surrender the town, provided that they should be suffered to 
depart from the town with ensigns displayed. We, thirsting 
for the blood of no man, and seeking only the liberty of our 
brethren, suffered them freely to depart without any further 
molestation. . . . 

The Bishop of Moray lay in the Abbey of Scone, and 
of the * it was thought good that some proceedings should be 
Palace of taken against him and against that place, which lay 
near to the town-end. The Lords wrote unto him, for 
he lay within two miles of Perth, that, unless he would come 
and assist them, they neither could spare nor save his place. 
He answered, by writing, that he would come, and would do as 
they thought expedient; that he would assist them with his 
force, and would vote with them against the rest of the clergy 
in Parliament. But his answer was slow in coming, and the 
town of Dundee marched forward. 


John Knox was sent unto them to stay them ; but before 
his coming, they had begun the pulling down of the idols and 
dortour. 1 And, albeit the said John and others did what in 
them lay to stay the fury of the multitude, they were not able 
to restore complete order, and therefore they sent for the 
Lords, Earl of Argyll, and Lord James, who, coming with all 
diligence, laboured to save the Palace and Kirk. But, the 
multitude having found a great number of idols buried in the 
Kirk for the purpose of preserving them to a better day (as 
the Papists speak), the towns of Dundee and Perth could not 
be satisfied, until the whole furnishings and ornaments of 
the Church were destroyed. Yet did the Lords so travail 
that they saved the Bishop s Palace, with the Church and 
place for that night; for the two Lords did not depart until 
they brought with them the whole number of those that 
most sought the Bishop s displeasure. . . . The Bishop s 
girnell 2 was kept for the first night by the labours of John 
Knox, who, by exhortation, removed such as violently would 
have made irruption. . . . 

On the morrow, some of the poor, in hope of spoil, and 
some of the men of Dundee, to see what had been done, went 
up to the Abbey of Scone. The Bishop s servants were 
offended, and began to threaten and speak proudly, and, as 
it was constantly affirmed, one of the Bishop s sons stogged 
through with a rapier a man of Dundee, for looking in at 
the girnell door. . . . The multitude, easily inflamed, gave 
the alarm, and the Abbey and Palace were appointed to 
sackage. They took no long deliberation in carrying out 
their purpose, but committed the whole to the merciment of 
fire. . . . 

While these things were being done at Perth, the 
ofthf co C n- s Q ueen > Baring what should follow, determined to send 
fakf ation cei fcain bands of French soldiers to Stirling, to stop 
of Slrifn" t ne passage to us that then were upon the north side 
bu?h din " ^ Forth. Hearing of this, the Earl of Argyll and 
Lord James departed secretly over-night, and with 
great expedition, getting in before the Frenchmen, took the 

1 Hangings. 2 Granary. 

166 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

town. Before their coming, the rascal multitude had laid 
hands on the thieves , I should say Friars , places and utterly 
destroyed them. 

The Queen and her faction, not a little afraid, departed 
hastily from Edinburgh to Dunbar. So we, with all reason 
able diligence, marched forward to Edinburgh to make re 
formation there, and arrived on the twenty-ninth of June. 
The Provost for that time, the Lord Seton, a man without 
God, without honesty, and oftentimes without reason, had 
formerly greatly troubled and molested the brethren. He 
had taken upon himself the protection and defence of the 
Black and Grey Friars; and for that purpose not only lay 
himself in one of the monasteries every night, but also con 
strained the most honest of the town, to their great grief and 
trouble, to keep vigil for the safety of those monsters. Hearing 
of our sudden coming, however, he had abandoned his charge, 
and had left the spoil to the poor, who had made havoc of all 
such things as were movable in those places before our coming, 
and had left nothing but bare walls, yea, not so much as door 
or window. We were the less troubled in reforming such 

For certain days we deliberated as to what was to 
gregation be done, and then determined to send some message 
peaceable to the Queen Kegent. . . . After safe conduct was 


to the purchased 1 and granted, we directed unto her two 
grave men of our Council. We gave commission 
and power to them to expose our whole purpose and intent, 
which was none other than before at all times we had insisted 
upon, to wit, that w T e might enjoy the liberty of conscience ; 
that Christ Jesus might be truly preached, and His holy 
Sacraments rightly ministered unto us ; that unable ministers 
might be removed from ecclesiastical administration ; that 
our preachers might be relaxed from the horn, and permitted 
to perform their duties without molestation, until such 
time as, either by a General Council, lawfully convened, 
or by a Parliament within the realm, the controversies 
in religion were decided; and that the bands of French- 

3 Sued out j procured. 


men, who were an intolerable burden to the country, and 
so fearful to us that we durst not in peaceable and 
quiet manner haunt the places where they did lie, should 
be sent to France, their native country. These things 
granted, her Grace should have experience of our customary 

To these heads the Queen did answer at the first pleasantly, 
but then she began to handle the matter more craftily, com 
plaining that she was not sought in a gentle manner ; and that 
they in whom she had put most singular confidence had left 
her in her greatest need. In discussing these and such other 
things, pertaining nothing to their commission, she sought to 
spend and drive the time. ... In the end of this communing, 
on the twelfth day of July 1559, she desired to have private 
talk with the Earl of Argyll, and Lord James, Prior of St. 
Andrews. . . . The Council, after consultation, thought it 
inexpedient that the Earl and Prior should talk with the 
Queen in any way ; for her former practices made all men 
suspect that some deceit lurked under such coloured com 
muning. It was known that she had said that, if she could 
by any means sunder those two from the rest, she was sure 
she should shortly attain her whole purpose ; and one of 
her chief counsellors in those days had said that before 
Michaelmas day these two should lose their heads. . . . 
The Queen, perceiving that her craft could not prevail, was 
content that the Duke s Grace and the Earl of Huntly, 
with others appointed by her, should convene at Preston, 
to commune with the said Earl and Prior, and such others 
as the Lords of the Congregation would appoint. These, 
convening at Preston, spake the whole day without any 
certain conclusion. For this was the subterfuge of the Queen 
and of her faction. By drift of time she hoped to weary 
our company, who, for the most part, had been in the field 
from the tenth day of May, and that when we were dis 
persed she might come to her purpose. In this she was not 
altogether deceived; for our commons were compelled to 
skaill for lack of expenses, and our gentlemen, partly con 
strained by lack of furnishing and partly hoping that some 

168 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

small appointment would result from so many communings, 
returned for the most part to their dwelling places, to repose 

The Queen, in all these conventions, seemed to indicate 
that she would give liberty to religion, provided that, where 
soever she was, our preachers should cease, and the Mass 
should be maintained. We, perceiving her malicious craft, 
answered that we would compel her Grace to no religion, but 
that we could not, of conscience, for the pleasure of any earthly 
creature, put silence to God s true messengers. Nor could we 
suffer that the right administration of Christ s true sacraments 
should give place to manifest idolatry; for in so doing we 
should declare ourselves enemies to God, to Christ Jesus His 
Son, to His eternal truth and to the liberty and establishment 
of His Church within this realm. If her request were granted, 
there could be no Kirk within the realm so established but that, 
at her pleasure, and by her residence and remaining there, she 
might overthrow the same. . . . 

To no point would the Queen answer directly ; but in all 
things she was so general and so ambiguous, that her craft 
appeared to all men. She had gotten sure information that 
our company was skailled for her Frenchmen were daily 
amongst us, without molestation or hurt done to them and 
therefore she began to disclose her mind. "The Congrega 
tion," she said, "has reigned these two months bypast: me 
myself would reign now other two." The malice of her heart 
being plainly perceived, there was deliberation as to what 
was to be done. It was decided that the Lords, Barons and 
gentlemen, with their substantial households, should remain in 
Edinburgh that whole winter, for the purpose of establishing 
the Church there. When it was found that, by corrupting 
our money, the Queen made to herself immoderate gains for 
maintaining her soldiers, thereby destroying our whole common 
wealth, it was thought necessary that the printing irons 1 and 
all things pertaining to them should be taken into custody, for 
fear that she should privily cause them to be transported to 
D unbar. 

1 Coining dies. 


In the meantime there came assured information. 

Death of 

se a c r ond he fc at tne King of France was hurt, and, after- 
Franc ^ wai> ds, that he was dead. . . . This wondrous work of God 
in his sudden death ought to have daunted the fury 
of the Queen Kegent, and given her admonition that the same 
God could not long suffer her obstinate malice against His 
truth to remain unpunished. But her indurate heart could 
not be moved to repentance ; and, hearing of the detention of 
the printing irons, she raged more outrageously than before. . . . 
We answered that we, without usurpation of anything justly 
pertaining to the Crown of Scotland, had stayed the printing 
irons because the commonwealth was greatly hurt by the 
corrupting of our money. . . . 

The Re ent P ar tly by her craft and policy, and partly by the 
takes u Incurs of the Archbishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow, 
Arms the Queen Eegent procured, from the whole number that 

against . , , 

the Con-^ were with her, consent to pursue us with all cruelty 
and expedition, before we could again assemble our 
forces, then dispersed for new equipment. Certain knowledge 
of this reached us on the Saturday at night, on the twenty- 
second of July, and we did what in us lay to give notice to our 
brethren. It was impossible, however, that those of the West, 
Angus, Mearns, Strathearn, or Fife, in any number, could come 
to us ; for the enemy marched from Dunbar upon the Sunday, 
and approached within two miles of us before sunrise upon 
Monday. They verily supposed that they should have found 
no resistance, being assured that only the Lords and certain 
gentlemen remained, with their private households. . . . The 
most part of the town appeared rather to favour us than the 
Queen s faction ; and offered us the uttermost of their support, 
a promise that, for the most part, they faithfully kept. The 
town of Leith made similar promise, but they did not keep 
the like fidelity ; for, when we were upon the field, advancing 
to their support, when the French were close upon them, they 
surrendered without further resistance. Their unprovided and 
sudden defection astonished many ; and yet we retired quietly 
to the side of Craig-end gate, where we took up a defensive 
position. . . . Before eight o clock in the morning, God had given 

170 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

us both courage and a reasonable number wherewith to with 
stand the fury of the enemy. As many of the town of Edin 
burgh as had been trained to arms, and divers others besides, 
behaved themselves both faithfully and stoutly. The gentle 
men of Lothian, and especially Calder, Haltoun, and Ormiston, 
were very helpful. . . . 

The enemy took such fright that they determined 
Castie Urg not to invade us where we stood, but planned to 
fhe p approach Edinburgh by the other side of the Water 
AppoClt- of Leith, and that because they had, unknown to us, 
at e Leith. de secured the support of the Castle. We had supposed 
the Lord Erskine, Captain of the Castle, either to be 
our friend, or at least to be neutral. But, when we had 
determined to fight, he sent word to the Earl of Argyll, to 
Lord James, his sister s son, and to the other noblemen, that 
he would declare himself both enemy to them and to the town, 
and would shoot at both, if they made any resistance to the 
entrance of the Frenchmen to the town. We could not fight 
or stop the enemy, but under the mercy of the Castle and 
whole ordnance thereof. In conclusion, it was found less 
damage to take an appointment, albeit the conditions were 
not such as we desired, than to hazard battle betwixt two 
such enemies. After long talking, certain heads were drawn 
by us. . . . 

At the Links of Leith appointment was made and sub 
scribed on the twenty-fifth of July. We returned to the town 
of Edinburgh, where we remained uiitil the next day at noon ; 
when, after sermon, dinner, and a proclamation made at the 
Market Cross, we withdrew from the town. . . . 

We came first to Linlithgow, and after that to 

The Con 
gregation Stirling, where, after consultation, a bond of defence, 

invoke the 

En d iand ^ or ma i n t ;enance ^ religion, and for mutual defence, 
every one of the other, was subscribed by all that were 
present. . . . This bond subscribed, we, foreseeing that the Queen 
and bishops meant nothing but deceit, thought good to seek 
support from all Christian Princes against her and her tyranny, 
in case we should be more sharply pursued. And because 
England was of the same religion, and lay next to us, it was 


judged expedient first to approach her rulers. This we did by 
one or two messengers, as hereafter, in the proper place, shall 
be declared more fully. . . . 

For comfort of the brethren and continuance of 
wniock the Kirk in Edinburgh, our dear brother John Willock 
Fury of the was left there. He, for his faithful labours and bold 


and con- courage in that battle, deserves immortal praise, 
minister When it was found dangerous for John Knox, already 
Kirk in elected minister to that Kirk, to continue there, the 
brethren requested the said John Willock to abide 
with them, lest, for lack of ministers, idolatry should again 
be erected. To this he so gladly consented that it was 
evident that he preferred the comfort of his brethren and 
the continuance of the Kirk there to his own life. One 
part of the Frenchmen were appointed to lie in garrison 
at Leith (that was the first benefit they got for their con 
federacy with them), the other part were appointed to lie 
in the Canongate ; the Queen and her train abiding in the 
Abbey. Our brother John Willock, the day after our depar 
ture, preached in St. Giles s Kirk, and fervently exhorted 
the brethren to stand constant in the truth which they had 

The Duke, and divers others of the Queen s faction, 
StLens wei e present at this and some other sermons. This 
plrm?t et liberty and preaching, with the resort of all people 
Ce?emonie S thereto, highly offended the Queen and the other 
renewed in Papists, and they began to give terrors to the Duke ; 
K\A igh affirming that lie would be reputed as one of the 
Congregation, if he gave his countenance to the 
sermons. Thereafter they began to require that Mass should 
be set up again in St. Giles s Kirk, and that the people should 
be set at liberty to choose what religion they would ; for, they 
affirmed, it had been a condition in the Appointment that the 
town of Edinburgh should have what religion they cared for. 
To ascertain this, the Duke, the Earl of Huntly, and the Lord 
Seton were sent to the Tolbooth, to solicit all men to submit 
to the Queen s opinion. The two last named did what they 
could, but the Duke remained a mere beholder, and of him 

172 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

the brethren had good hopes. After many persuasions and 
threatenings by the said Earl and Lord, the brethren stoutly 
and valiantly, in the Lord Jesus, gainsaid their most unjust 
petitions. . . . 

The foresaid Earl and Lord Seton, then Provost of Edinburgh, 
perceiving that they could not prevail in that manner, began 
to entreat that the citizens would so far submit to the Queen s 
pleasure as to choose another kirk within the town, or at least 
be contented that Mass should be said either after or before 
their sermons. Answer was given that they could not give 
place to the Devil, who was the chief inventor of the Mass, for 
the pleasure of any creature. They were in possession of that 
kirk, and they could not abandon it ; nor could they suffer 
idolatry to be set up there, unless they should be constrained 
so to do by violence, and, if this were resorted to, they were 
determined to seek the next remedy. ... By God s grace, the 
citizens continued in faithful service of God until the month 
of November. They not only convened to the preaching, 
daily supplications, and administration of baptism ; but 
also the Lord s Table was administered, even in the eyes 
of the very enemy, to the great comfort of many afflicted 

The As God did potently work through His true 

Regent minister, and in His troubled Kirk, so did not the 
the Mass atDevil cease to inflame the malice of the Queen, and 
persecutes of the Papists with her. Shortly after her coming 
Reformed to the Abbey of Holyroodhouse, she caused Mass 
and r f e y eks to be said, first in her own chapel, and after that 
the Pro? 1 in the Abbey, where the altars had before been cast 
wi tifthe down. Her malice extended in like manner to 
Cambuskenneth ; for there she cancelled the stipends 
of as many of the Canons as had forsaken Papistry. She 
gave command and inhibition that the Abbot of Lindores 
should not receive payment of any part of his living in the 
north, because he had submitted himself to the Congregation, 
and had made some reformation to his place. By her consent 
and procurement, the preaching stools in the Kirk of Leith 
were broken, and idolatry was re-erected there. Her French 


captains, with their soldiers in great companies, resorted to 
St. Giles s Kirk in Edinburgh at the time of preaching and 
prayers, and made their common deambulator l therein, with 
such loud talking that it was impossible to hear the preacher 
distinctly. Although the minister was oft times compelled 
to cry out on them, praying to God to rid the people of 
such locusts, they continued in their wicked purpose. This 
had been devised and ordered by the Queen, who sought 
to draw our brethren of Edinburgh into a cummer 2 with 
the soldiery, so that she might have a colourable occasion 
for breaking the league with them. Yet, by God s grace, 
they so behaved themselves that she could find no fault 
with them. On the other hand, in all these things, and in 
every one of them, she is worthily counted to have contra 
vened the said Appointment. . . . 

In the meantime the Queen Eegent, knowing 
Regent assuredly what force was shortly to come to her 
Rekiforce- a ^> cease d not, by all means possible, to cloak the 
Troops f incoming of the French, and to inflame the hearts 
France ^ our countrymen against us. ... She used these 
means to abuse the simplicity of the people, that 
they should not suddenly espy for what purpose she brought 
in her new bands of men of war. These, to the number of 
a thousand men, arrived about the middle of August. The 
rest were appointed to come after with Monsieur de la Broche 
and the Bishop of Amiens, who arrived on the nineteenth day 
of September, as if they had been Ambassadors. What was 
their negotiation, the result declared, and they themselves 
could not long conceal; for, both by tongue and pen, they 
proclaimed that they had been sent for the utter extermina 
tion of all that would not profess the papistical religion in all 
points. . . . 

Prudent men foresaw that the Queen intended a complete 
conquest. But, to the end that the people should not suddenly 
stir, she would not bring in her full force at once, but by 
continual traffic purposed to augment her army, so that in 
the end we should not be able to resist. The greatest part 

1 Promenade. - Entanglement. 

174 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

of the nobility and many of the people were so enchanted 
by her treasonable agents that they could not listen to, or 
credit, the truth plainly spoken. The French, after the 
arrival of their new men, began to brag : then began they 
to divide the lands and lordships according to their own 
fancies ; for one was styled Monsieur d Ergyle ; another, 
Monsieur le Prior ; the third, Monsieur de Ruthven ; yea, 
they were so assured, in their own opinion, to possess what 
soever they list, that some asked for statements of the rentals 
and revenues of divers men s lands, to the end that they might 
choose the best. . . . 

As we have already said, a Convention was 
tion is held appointed to be held at Stirling on the tenth day 
iothSep- of September. To this repaired the most part of 

tember 1559. . ^ , t> ,-, n > i 1 i 

the Lords of the Congregation, . . . and in the 
meantime came assured word that the Frenchmen had begun 
to fortify Leith. This action more evidently disclosed the 
Queen s craft, and so deeply grieved the hearts of the whole 
nobility that, with one consent, they addressed a letter to 
the Queen on the subject. This letter was signed by my 
Lord Duke, the Earls of Arran, Glencairn and Menteith, by 
the Lords Ruthven, Ochiltree and Boyd, and by divers other 
barons and gentlemen. . . . 

The Duke and Lords, understanding that the 
of the fortification of Leith w r as still proceeding, directed 
tin S lgree their whole forces to convene at Stirling on the 
up arms fifteenth day of October, that from thence they 
the French might advance to Edinburgh, for redress of the great 

enormities committed by the French upon the whole 
country, which was so oppressed by them that the life of 
every honest man was bitter to him. 1 . . . 

1 In framing a historical record of the important events in Scotland in which 
he took a part, Knox seems to have considered it incumbent upon him to pre 
serve in his chronicle complete copies of the numerous documents and missives 
concerning the relations of the Reformers among themselves, or embodying the 
communings of the Reformers with the Queen Regent and with the Sovereign 
of England. In the present edition, these are omitted, or only quoted in 
abbreviated form, so far as may be necessary to keep the reader in close 
touch with the thread of the narrative, and the attitude of the different parties. 


There came from the Queen Regent, on the twenty- 
Protests of first day of October, Master Eobert Forman, Lion 
gregation King of Arms, who brought unto us the following 

are scorn- , . 

fuiiy credit : 

"That she wondered how any durst presume to 
command her in that realm, which needed not to be conquered 
by any force, considering that it was already conquered by 
marriage ; that Frenchmen could not justly be called strangers, 
seeing that they were naturalised ; and therefore that she would 
neither make the town of Leith patent, nor yet send any man 
away, except as she thought expedient. She accused the 
Duke of violating his promise ; she made long protestation 
of her love towards the commonwealth of Scotland; and in 
the end she commanded that, under pain of treason, all 
assisters to the Duke and to us should depart from the town 
of Edinburgh." . . . 

The whole nobility, barons, and burgesses, then 
gregation present, were commanded to convene in the Tolbooth 
Edinburgh ;of Edinburgh, the same twenty-first day of October, 
to e <&pose 6 for deliberation. The whole cause being exponed 
n there by the Lord Euthven, the question was pro 
poned, Whether she that so contemptuously refused the most 
humble request of the born counsellors of the realm, being 
also but a Eegent whose pretences threatened the bondage of 
the whole commonwealth, ought to be suffered so tyrannously 
to empire over them ? Because this question had not before 
been disputed in open assembly, it was thought expedient 
that the judgment of the preachers should be required. These 
being called and instructed in the case, John Willock spoke as 
follows, affirming : 

" First. That, albeit magistrates be God s ordinance, having 
power and authority from Him, their power is not so largely 
extended, but that it is bounded and limited by God in His 

" Secondarily. That, as subjects are commanded to obey 
their magistrates, so are magistrates commanded to fulfil 
their duty to the subjects, as God by His Word has prescribed 
the office of the one and of the other. 

176 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

"Thirdly. That, albeit God has appointed magistrates to 
be His Lieutenants on earth, and has honoured them with 
His own title, calling them gods, He did never so establish 
any, but that for just causes they might be deprived. 

"Fourthly. That, in deposing Princes and those in 
authority, God did not always use His immediate power; 
but sometimes He used other means which His wisdom 
thought good, and justice approved. By Asa He had re 
moved Maachah, his own mother, from the honour and 
authority which she had brooked ; l by Jehu He had destroyed 
Joram and the whole posterity of Ahab ; and by divers others 
He had deposed from authority those whom previously He 
had established by His own Word. 

" The Queen Regent had denied her chief duty to the 
subjects of this realm, which was to minister justice unto 
them indifferently, to preserve their liberties from invasion 
by strangers, and to suffer them to have God s Word freely 
and openly preached amongst them. Moreover, she was an 
open and obstinate idolatress, a vehement maintainer of all 
superstition and idolatry; and, finally, she had utterly 
despised the counsel and requests of the nobility. Upon 
these grounds he argued that there was no reason why they, 
the born counsellors, nobility, and barons of the realm, might 
not justly deprive her from all regiment and authority amongst 
them." . . . 

The individual vote of every man being required, and every 
man commanded to speak what his conscience judged in that 
matter, as he would answer to God, there was none found 
amongst the whole number who did not, by his own tongue, 
consent to her deprivation. . . . 

After our Act of Suspension was by sound of trumpet 
divulged at the Market Cross of Edinburgh, we dismissed 
the herald with his answer, and on the following day we 
summoned the town of Leith by the sound of trumpet, 
requiring, in name of the King and Queen and of the Council 
then in Edinburgh, that all Scots and French men, 2 of what 
soever estate and degree they should be, to depart from the 

1 Soiled. 2 That is, men-at-arms. 


is com 
menced : 
the Pro 

town of Leith within the space of twelve hours, and " make 
the same patent to all and sundry our Sovereign Lady s 
lieges." . . . 

Defiance given, there was skirmishing, without 
TfLe1th ge g reat slaughter. Preparation of scaills 1 and ladders 
was made for the assault, which had been agreed upon 
hy common consent of the nobility and barons. The 
scaills were appointed to be made in St. Giles s Church, 
and preaching was neglected. This not a little grieved 
the preachers, and many godly persons. . . . The Queen had 
amongst us her assured spies, who did not only signify unto 
her what was our state, but also what were our counsel, 
purposes, and devices. Some of our own company were 
vehemently suspected to be the very betrayers of all our 
secrets. A boy of the Official of Lothian, Master James 
Balfour, was caught carrying a writing which disclosed the 
most secret thing that was devised in the Council ; yea, these 
very things which were thought only to have been known to a 
very few. 

By such domestic enemies not only were our 
Hardships p ur p 0geg f rus trated, but also our determinations were 
Party 5 * the of ten overthrown and changed. The Duke s friends 
deman r d s sought to alarm him, and he was greatly troubled ; by 
: Pay. . The men of war, 

man y others were troubled. 
for the most part men without God or honesty, made a mutiny, 
because they lacked a part of their wages. ... All these 
troubles were practised by the Queen, and put into execution 
by the traitors amongst ourselves. ... To pacify the men of 
war, a collection was devised. But, because some were poor 
and some were niggardly and avaricious, no sufficient sum 
could be obtained. It was thought expedient that a cunyie 2 
should be erected, so that every nobleman might cunyie his 
silver to supply the immediate necessity. David Forrest, 
John Hart, and others who before had charge of the Cunyie- 
house, promised their faithful labours ; but, when the matter 
came to the very point, the said John Hart and others of his 
faction stole away, and took with them the necessary tools ..... 

1 Scalin-luililer. " Mint. 


178 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

There now remained no hope that any money could 
thousand be f urnished among ourselves ; and therefore it was 
aresent concluded by a few of those whom we judged most 

secret that inquiry should be directed to Sir Ealph 
by P L."rd Sadler, and Sir James Crofts, then having charge at 

Berwick, to ascertain whether they would support us 
with any reasonable sum in that urgent necessity. And for 
that purpose the Laird of Ormiston was directed to them in 
as secret manner as we could devise. But our counsel was 
disclosed to the Queen, who appointed the Lord Both well, as 
he himself confessed, to await the return of the said Laird. 
That he did with all diligence ; and, being assuredly informed 
by what way he would come, the said Earl Bothwell foreset 
his way, and, coming upon him at unawares, did capture him, 
and the sum of four thousand crowns of the sun, which Sir 
Ealph Sadler and Sir James Crofts had most lovingly sent for 
our support. . . . The Earl of Arran, the Lord James, the 
Master of Maxwell, with the most part of the horsemen, 
took sudden purpose to pursue the said Earl of Bothwell, 
in the hope that they might apprehend him in Crichton or 
Morham. . . . But, albeit the departure and counsel of the Earl 
of Arran and Lord James was very sudden and secret, the Earl 
Bothwell, then being in Crichton, received information of this, 
and so escaped with the money. . . . 

In the absence of the said Lords and horsemen (we 
J/Dundee mean the same day that they departed, which was the 
Guns heir lasfc of October) the Provost and town of Dundee, 

together with some soldiers, issued from the town of 
Edinburgh, and carried with them some great ordnance to 
shoot at Leith. . . . The French being notified that our horse 
men were absent, and that the whole company were at dinner, 
made a sortie, and with great expedition came to the place 
where our ordnance was laid. The town of Dundee, with a 
few others, resisted for a while, with their ordnance as well as 
hackbuts ; but, being left by our ungodly and feeble soldiers, 
who fled without stroke offered or given, they were compelled 
to give back, and so to leave the ordnance to the enemies. 
These pursued the fugitives to the middle of the Canongate, 


and to the foot of Leith Wynd. Their cruelty then began to 
discover itself ; for the decrepit, the aged, the women and 
children, found no greater favour in their fury than did the 
strong man who made resistance. 

It was very apparent that amongst ourselves there 
Remits of was some treason. Upon the first alarm, all men 
Treachery ma de haste to come to the relief of their brethren, 
and in very deed we might have saved them, and at 
least we might have saved the ordnance, and have kept the 
Canongate from danger ; for we were at once marched forward 
with bold courage. But then a shout was raised amongst 
ourselves (God will disclose the traitors one day) affirming that 
the whole French company had entered Leith Wynd at our 
backs. What clamour and disorder then suddenly arose, we 
list not to express with multiplication of words. The horsemen 
and some of those that ought to have maintained order over 
rode their poor brethren at the entrance of the Nether Bow. 
The cry of distress arose in the town ; the wicked and malignant 
blasphemed ; the feeble (amongst whom was the Justice Clerk, 
Sir John Bellenden) fled without mercy. With great difficulty 
could they be kept in at the West Port. . . . In the meantime, 
the French retired themselves with our ordnance. . . . 

From that day forward, the courage of many was 
rfthe pro* dejected. With great difficulty could men be retained 
testants is j n ^he town : yea, some of the greatest estimation 

in Eclipse. / 

determined to abandon the enterprise. Many fled 
away secretly, and those that did abide a very few excepted 
appeared destitute of counsel and manhood. . . . Thus we 
continued from Wednesday, the last of October, until Monday 
the fifth of November, never two or three abiding firm in one 
opinion for the space of twenty-four hours. . . . Upon the last- 
named day, the French made an early sally from Leith, for 
the purpose of kepping l the victuals which should have come 
to us. We being troubled amongst ourselves, and divided in 
opinions, were neither circumspect when they did ish, 2 nor 
did we follow with such expedition as had been meet for men 
that would have sought our advantage. . . . 

1 Intercepting. a Come forth ; issue. 

i8o BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

William Maitland of Lethington, younger, Secretary 
of Lething-- t the Queen, perceiving himself not only to be sus- 
theTirds pected as one that favoured our part, but also to stand 
gregatfon n " i n danger of his life if he should remain amongst so 

ungodly a company, surrendered himself to Master 
Kirkaldy, Laird of Grange. He, coming to us, exhorted us to 
constancy, assuring us that there was nothing but craft and 
deceit in the Queen. He travailed exceedingly to keep the 
Lords together, and most prudently laid before their eyes the 
dangers that might ensue upon their departing from the town. 
But fear and dolour had seized the hearts of all, and they could 
admit no consolation. 

The Earl of Arran, and Lord James, offered to abide, if any 
reasonable company would abide with them. But men con 
tinued to steal away, and the wit of man could not stay them. 
Yea, some of the greatest determined plainly that they would 
not abide. The Captain of the Castle, then Lord Erskine, 
would promise us no favours, but said he must needs declare 
himself friend to those that were able to support and defend 
him. When this answer was given to the Lord James, it 
discouraged those that before had determined to have abided 
the uttermost, rather than abandon the town, had but the 
Castle stood their friend. But the contrary being declared, 
every man consulted his own safety. The complaint of the 
brethren within the town of Edinburgh was lamentable and 
sore. The wicked, too, began to spue forth the venom which 
lurked in their cankered heart. . . . 

It was finally agreed to withdraw from Edinburgh ; 
Retreat and, to avoid danger, it was decided that the forces 
b r urh Edin ~ should depart at midnight. The Duke made provision 

for his ordnance, and caused it to be sent before ; but 
the rest was left to the care of the Captain of the Castle, who 
received it, both that of the Lord James, and that of Dundee. 
The despiteful tongues of the wicked railed upon us, calling us 
traitors and heretics : every one provoked the other to cast 
stones at us. One cried, " Alas, if I might see ; " another, " Fie, 
give advertisement to the Frenchmen that they may come, and 
we shall help them now to cut the throats of these heretics." 


And thus, as the sword of dolour passed through our hearts, 
the cogitations and former determinations of many hearts were 
then revealed. We would never have believed that our natural 
countrymen and women would have wished our destruction so 
unmercifully, and have so rejoiced in our adversity. . . . We 
stayed not until we came to Stirling, which we did the day 
after that we departed from Edinburgh ; for it was concluded, 
that consultation should be taken there as to the next remedy 
in so desperate a matter. 

The next Wednesday, which was the seventh of 
preaches November, John Knox preached (John Willock having 
a notable departed to England, as he had previously arranged) 
the pis- and treated of the fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and 
eighth versicles of the Fourscore Psalm. ... In his 

exposition he declared the reasons for which God 
sometimes suffered His chosen flock to be exposed to mockage, 
to clangers, and to apparent destruction : to wit, that they 
might feel the vehemency of God s indignation ; that they 
might know how little strength was in themselves ; that they 
might leave a testimony to the generations following, as well 
of the malice of the Devil against God s people, as of the 
marvellous work of God in preserving His little flock by far 
other means than man can espy. In explaining these words, 
" How long shalt Thou be angry, Lord, against the prayer of 
Thy people ? " he declared how dolorous and fearful it was 
to fight against the temptation to believe that God turned 
away His face from our prayers, for that was nothing else 
than to comprehend and conceive God to be armed for our 
destruction. This temptation no flesh could abide or over 
come, unless the mighty Spirit of God interponed Himself 

By way of example, he noted the impatience of Saul, when 
God would not hear his prayers. He plainly declared that 
the difference between the elect and reprobate in that tempta 
tion was that the elect, sustained by the secret power of God s 
Spirit, did still call upon God, albeit He appeared to con 
temn their prayers. That, he said, was the sacrifice most 
acceptable to God, and was in a manner even to fight with 

1 82 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

God, and to overcome Him, as Jacob did in warselling with 
His Angel. But the reprobate, said he, being denied of their 
requests at God s hand, either ceased to pray, and altogether 
contemned God, albeit He had straitly commanded us to 
call upon Him in the day of adversity ; or else they sought 
from the Devil that which they saw they could not obtain 
from God. 

In the second part, he declared how hard it was to this 
corrupt nature of ours not to rejoice and put confidence in 
itself when God gave victory; and, therefore, how necessary 
it was that man by affliction should be brought to the know 
ledge of his own infirmity, lest, puffed up with vain confidence, 
he should make an idol of his own strength, as did King 
Nebuchadnezzar. He gravely disputed upon the nature of the 
blind world, which, in all ages, had insolently rejoiced when 
God did chasten His own children. The reprobate could 
never see their glory and honour, and therefore despised them, 
and the wondrous work of God in them. " And yet," said he, 
" the joy and rejoicing of the world is but mere sorrow, because 
the end of it tendeth to sudden destruction, as the riotous 
banqueting of Belshazzar declareth. ... I doubt not that some 
of us have oftener than once read this Psalm, as also that we 
have read and heard the travail and troubles of our ancient 
fathers. But which of us, either in reading or hearing their 
dolours and temptations, did so descend into ourselves that 
we felt the bitterness of their passions ? I think none. And 
therefore has God brought us to some experience in our own 
persons. . . . 

" When we were few in number, in comparison with our 
enemies, when we had neither Earl nor Lord, a few excepted, 
to comfort us, we called upon God; we took Him for our 
protector, defence, and only refuge. Amongst us, we heard 
no bragging of multitude, of our strength, nor policy: we 
did only sob to God, to have respect to the equity of our 
cause, and to the cruel pursuit of the tyrannous enemy. But 
since our number hath been thus multiplied, and chiefly since 
my Lord Duke s Grace and his friends have been joined with 
us, there has been nothing heard, but, This Lord will bring 


these many hundred spears : this man hath the credit to 
persuade this country : l if this Earl be ours, no man in such 
a bounds will trouble us. And thus the best of us all, who 
formerly felt God s potent hand to be our defence, have of late 
days put flesh to be our arm. . . . 

" I am uncertain if my Lord s Grace hath unfeignedly re 
pented of his assistance to these murderers unjustly pursuing us. 
Yea, I am uncertain if he hath repented of that innocent blood of 
Christ s blessed martyrs which was shed in his default. But let 
it be that so he hath done (as I hear that he hath confessed his 
offence before the Lords and Brethren of the Congregation), I am 
yet assured that neither he nor his friends have felt before this 
time the anguish and grief of heart suffered by us when in 
their blind fury they pursued us. Therefore hath God justly 
permitted both them and us to fall into this confusion at the 
same time : us, because we put our trust and confidence in 
man ; and them, that they should feel in their own hearts how 
bitter was the cup which they made others drink. It only 
remains that both they and we should turn to the Eternal our 
God, who beats down to death, to the intent that He may 
raise up again, and leave the remembrance of His wondrous 
deliverance, to the praise of His own name. . . . 

<: Yea, whatever shall become of us and of our mortal carcases, 
I doubt not but that this cause, in despite of Satan, shall prevail 
in the realm of Scotland. For, as it is the eternal truth of the 
eternal God, so shall it once prevail, howsoever for a time it 
be impugned. It may be that God shall plague some because 
they delight not in the truth, albeit for worldly respects they 
seem to favour it. Yea, God may take some of His dearest 
children away before their eyes see greater troubles. But 
neither shall the one nor the other hinder this action, and in 
the end it shall triumph." 

Upon the conclusion of this sermon, in which John Knox 
had vehemently exhorted all men to amendment of life, to 
prayers, and to the works of charity, the minds of men began 
wondrously to be erected. ... In the end, it was concluded 
that William Maitland should go to London to lay our estate 

1 District. 

1 84 BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559 

and condition before the Queen and Council, and that the 
Noblemen should go home and remain quiet until the six 
teenth day of December. That date was appointed for the 
next Convention in Stirling, as in our Third Book shall be 
more amply declared. 

Look upon us, Lord, in the multitude of Thy mercies; for 
we are brought even to the deep of the dungeon. 



AFTER our dolorous departure from Edinburgh, the 
Recent fury and the rage of the French increased ; for then 
Edinburgh neither man nor woman that professed Christ Jesus 
^odaimed durst be seen within that town. The houses of the 
Traitor. mogt honegt men were given by foe Queen to the 

Frenchmen for a part of their reward. The Earl Bothwell, by 
sound of trumpet, proclaimed the Earl of Arran traitor, with 
other despiteful words ; and all this was done for the pleasure 
and at the suggestion of the Queen Eegent, who then thought 
the battle was won, without fear of further resistance. Great 
practising she made towards obtaining the Castle of Edinburgh. 
The French made faggots and other preparations for assaulting 
the Castle, by force or by treason. But God wrought so 
potently with the Captain, the Lord Erskine, that neither did 
the Queen prevail by flattery, nor the French by treason. 

With all diligence, intelligence was sent to the 
French j) u ^ e O f Guise, who was then virtual King of France, 

Reinforce- , -pi i * J 4-U 

ments meet requiring him to use expedition, it he desired trie 
SL^ter f u n conquest of Scotland. He delayed no time, and 
sent away a new army with his brother, Marquis 
D Elboeuf , and the Count de Martigues, promising that he him 
self should follow. But the righteous God, who in mercy 
looketh upon the affliction of those that unfeignedly sob unto 
Him, fought for us by His own outstretched arm. One night, 
upon the coast of Holland, eighteen ensigns of them were 
drowned, so that there only remained the ship in which were 
the two leaders with their ladies. These, violently driven 

1 The Third Hook of the Progress of True Religion within the Realm of 



1 86 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1501 

back again to Dieppe, were compelled to confess that God 
fought for the defence of Scotland. 

Eobert Melvin, who had gone to London in corn- 
England: pany with the Secretary, a little before Christmas, 
Game is now returned from England and brought certain 

Articles to be answered by us. Thereupon the 
Nobility convened at Stirling, and returned answer with dili 
gence. The French, informed of this, marched to Linlithgow, 
spoiled the Duke s house, and wasted his lands of Kinneil ; 
thereafter coming to Stirling, where they remained for some 
days. The Duke, and the Earls of Argyll and Glencairn, with 
their friends, moved on to Glasgow, the Earl of Arran and 
Lord James, to St. Andrews ; for charge had been given to all 
the Protestant Nobility to conserve their forces until God 
should send them further support. 

The French laid their plans for assaulting Fife 
French ^ rs ^ 5 ^ or it nac ^ stirred their great indignation. Their 
Fife de purpose was to have taken and fortified the town, the 

Abbey, and the Castle of St. Andrews. So they came 
to Culross, after that to Dunfermline, and then to Burntisland, 
where they began to fortify. But they soon had reason to 
desist and march to Kinghorn. For, when the Earl of Arran 
and the Lord James learned that the French had departed 
from Stirling, they departed also from St. Andrews, and began 
to assemble their forces at Cupar. They also sent their men 
of war to Kinghorn ; and to them there resorted divers of the 
coast side, who were of mind to resist at the beginning, rather 
than when the French had destroyed a part of their towns. 
As the Lords had given express command that nothing should 
be hazarded until they themselves were present, the Lord 
Euthven, a man of great experience, and inferior to few in 
stoutness, was dispatched to Kinghorn. 

The men of war, and the rascal multitude, per- 
at Petty- ceiving Frenchmen landing from certain boats which 

had come from Leith, determined to stop their coming 
ashore. Not considering the enemies that approached from 
Burntisland, they unadvisedly rushed down to the Pettycur, 
as the brae be-west Kinghorn is called, and at the sea-coast 


began skirmishing. They never took heed to the enemy that 
approached by land, until the horsemen charged down upon 
their backs, and the whole bands met them in the face. They 
were thus compelled to give back, with the loss of six or seven 
men killed, and some others taken prisoner. The reason why 
there was so small a loss in so great a danger was, next to the 
merciful providence of God, the sudden coming of the Lord 
Euthven. Immediately after our men had given back, he and 
his company came to the head of the brae, and stayed the French 
footmen, while some of ours broke upon their horsemen, and 
so repulsed them that they did no further hurt to our footmen. 
The French took Kinghorn, and there they lay, 
French wasting the country about, as well Papists as Protes- 
K"ng p h y orn. tants, yea, even those that were confederate with 
them, such as Seafield, Wemyss, Balmuto, Balweary, 
and others, enemies to God and traitors to their country. 
They spared not the sheep, the oxen, the kine, and horse of 
these men, and some say that their wives and daughters got 
favours of the French soldiers. Thus did God recompense the 
Papists in their own bosoms, for, besides the defiling of their 
houses, two of them received more damage than did all the 
gentlemen that professed the Evangel within Fife, the Laird of 
Grange only excepted. His house of the Grange the French 
overthrew by gunpowder. 

The Queen Eegent, proud of this victory, burst forth in 

blasphemous railing, and said, "Where is now John Knpx s 

God ? My God is now stronger than his, yea, even in Fife." 

To her friends in France she posted news that thousands of the 

heretics had been slain, and that the rest were fled ; and required 

that some nobleman would come and take the glory of that 

victory. Upon that information, the Count de Martigues, with 

two ships, and some captains and horse, were directed to come 

to Scotland ; but little to their own advantage, as we shall hear. 

The Lords of the Congregation, offended at the 

P C *T X foolishness of the rascal multitude, recalled the men of 

Cupar- war, and remained certain days at Cupar. To them 

repaired John Knox, and, in our greatest desperation, preached 

a most comfortable sermon. His subject was, The danger in 

i88 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

which the disciples of Christ Jesus stood when they were in 
the midst of the sea, and Jesus was upon the mountain." He 
exhorted us not to faint, but still to row against these contrary 
blasts, until Jesus Christ should come ; " for," said he, " I am 
as assuredly persuaded that God shall deliver us from the 
extreme trouble, as I am assured that this is the Evangel 
of Jesus Christ which I preach unto you this day. I am 
assured, albeit I cannot assure you, by reason of this present 
rage; God grant that ye may acknowledge His hand, after 
your eyes have seen His deliverance." In that sermon lie 
comforted many. And yet he offended the Earl of Arran, who 
apprehended that certain words were spoken in reproach of 
him, because he kept himself more close and solitary than 
many men would have wished. 

The After these things, determination was taken that 

Campaign the Earl of Arran and Lord James, with the men of 

in r lie. 

war and some company of horsemen, should go to 
Dysart, and there lie in wait upon the French, so that they 
should not utterly destroy the sea-coast, as they had intended 
to have done. The said Earl and Lord James did as they were 
appointed, albeit their company was very small ; and yet they 
did so valiantly, that it passed all credibility. For twenty-one 
days they lay in their clothes ; their boots never came off: they 
had skirmishing almost every day ; yea, some days, from morn 
to even. The French had four thousand soldiers, beside their 
favourers and faction of the country. The Lords had never 
altogether five hundred horsemen, with a hundred soldiers; 
and yet they held the French so busy, that for every horse 
they slew to the Congregation, they lost four French soldiers. 

William Kirkaldy of Grange, on the day after his house 
was cast down, sent in his defiance to Monsieur D Oysel 
and the rest, declaring that to that hour had lie used the 
French favourably. He had saved their lives, when he might 
have suffered their throats to be cut ; but, seeing that they had 
used him with that rigour, let them not look for that favour in 
times to come. The said William Kirkaldy, and the Master 
of Lyndsay, escaped many dangers. The Master had his horse 
slain under him : the said William was almost betrayed in his 


house at Kailyards. Yet they never ceased; night and day 
they waited upon the French. 

On one occasion, they with some gentlemen laid themselves 
in a secret place, before day, to await the French, who were 
wont to ish in companies, to seek their prey. Forth came a 
Captain Battu, with his hundred men, and began to spoil. 
The said Master, now Lord of Lyndsay, and the said William, 
suffered this without showing themselves or their company, 
until they had them more than a mile from Kinghorn. Then 
the horsemen began to break. Perceiving this, the French 
drew together to a place called Glennis House, and made for 
debate; some took the house, and others defended the close 
and yard. The hazard appeared very unlikely, for our men 
had nothing but spears, and were compelled to light upon 
their feet. The others were within dykes; and all had 
culverins: the shot was fearful to many, and divers were hurt. 
Kirkaldy, perceiving men to faint and begin to recoil, cried, 
"Fie, let us never live after this day, if we shall recoil for 
French schybalds 1 ;" and so the Master of Lyndsay and he 
burst in at the yett, and others followed. The Master struck 
with his spear at La Battu, and glancing upon his harness, for 
fierceness stammered 2 almost upon his knees. But, recovering 
suddenly, he fastened his spear, and bare the Captain backward, 
who, because he would not be taken, was slain, and fifty of his 
company with him. Those that were in the house, with some 
others, were saved, and sent to Dundee to be kept. This 
mischance to the Frenchmen made them more circumspect in 
scattering abroad in the country; and so the poor folk got 
some relief. 

To furnish the French with victuals, Captain Cullen, with 
two ships, travelled betwixt the south shore and Kinghorn. 
For his wages, he spoiled Kinghorn, Kirkcaldy, and as much 
of Dysart as he might. For remedy, two ships were sent from 
Dundee, Andrew Sands, a stout and fervent man in the cause 
of religion, being in command. At the same time Count de 
Martigues arrived. Without delay he landed himself, his 
coffers, and the principal gentlemen that were with him at 

1 Mean fellows. " Staggered. 

igo BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

Leith, leaving the rest in his two ships until more convenient 
opportunity. But the said Andrew, and his companion, striking 
sail and making as if they would cast anchor hard beside them, 
boarded them both, and carried them to Dundee. In them 
were gotten some horse and much harness, with some other 
trifles ; but of money we heard not. 

The French were incensed, and vowed the destruc- 
Fi n eft nslish tion of St. Andrews and Dundee. Upon Monday 
SeForth. morning, the twenty-third day of January 1560, they 
marched from Dysart, and crossed the water of Leven ; 
ever keeping the sea-coast, for the sake of their ships and 
victuals. About twelve o clock they espied ships. These had 
been seen that morning by us that were upon the land, but 
they were not known. Monsieur D Oysel affirmed them to be 
French ships, and so the soldiers triumphed, shot their volley for 
salutation, and marched forward to Kincraig, fearing no resist 
ance. But shortly after, the English ships, meeting with Captain 
Cullen, seized him and his ships, and this made them muse a little. 
Suddenly came Master Alexander Wood, and assured 
Monsieur D Oysel, that they were Englishmen, and that they 
were the fore-riders of a greater number that followed for the 
support of the Congregation. Then might have been seen the 
riving of beards, and might have been heard such despite as 
cruel men are wont to spue forth when God bridleth their 
fury. Weariness and the night constrained them to lodge 
where they were. They supped scarcely, because their ships 
were taken. In these were their victuals, and also the ordnance 
which they intended to have placed in St. Andrews. They 
themselves durst not stray abroad to forage ; and the Laird of 
Wemyss s carriage, which likewise was coming with provisions 
for them, was stayed. Betimes in the morning, they retired 
towards Kinghorn, and made more expedition in one day in 
retiring, than they had done in two in advancing. 

The storm, which had continued for the space of 

The French 

retire on nearly a month, broke at the very time of the retreat 

of the French. Many thought they would have been 

stayed by this until a reasonable company might have been 

assembled to have fought them ; and with that purpose William 


Kirkaldy cut the bridge of Tullibody. But the French, expert 
enough in such work, took down the roof of a parish kirk, and 
made a bridge over the water called the Devon. So they 
escaped, and came to Stirling, and syne to Leith. 

In their retreat, the French spoiled the country 
Frfnchnmn an d lost divers men ; amongst whom there was one 
Beef-tub. wnose miserable end we must rehearse. A Frenchman 
captain or soldier, we cannot tell, but he had a red 
cloak and a gilt morion entered upon a poor woman, that 
dwelt in the Whyteside, and began to spoil. The poor woman 
offered him such bread as she had ready prepared. But he, 
in no ways content therewith, demanded the meal and a little 
salt beef with which she had to sustain her own life, and 
the lives of her poor children. Neither could tears nor pitiful 
words mitigate the merciless man ; he would have whatsoever 
he could carry. The poor woman perceiving him so bent, and 
that he stooped down into her tub to take forth such stuff as 
was within it, cowped up his heels, so that his head went 
down ; and there he ended his unhappy life. 

From this time forward, frequent mention will be 
Nejoti- made of the comfortable support that we, by God s 
between providence, received in our greatest extremity from 
gregation our neighbours of England. We therefore think it 
English expedient simply to declare how that matter was first 
moved, and by what means it came to pass that the 
Queen and Council of England showed themselves so favourable 
to us. 

John Knox had forewarned us, by his letters from Geneva, 
of all dangers that he foresaw to ensue from our enterprise; 
and, when he came to Dieppe, mindful of these, and revolving 
with himself what remedy God would please to offer, he had 
the boldness to write to Sir William Cecil, Secretary of 
England. With him the said John had formerly been familiarly 
acquainted, and he intended thereby to renew acquaintance, 
and so to open his mind further. . . . 

To this letter no answer was made ; for, shortly thereafter, 
the said John made forward to Scotland by sea, where he 

192 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

landed on the third day of May ; and had such success as has 
been declared in the Second Book. The said John, being in 
St. Andrews after Cupar Moor, entered into deep discourse 
with the Laird of Grange : the dangers were evident, but the 
support was not easy to be seen. After many words, John 
Knox burst forth as follows : " If England would foresee their 
own commodity, yea, if they did consider the danger wherein 
they themselves stand, they would not suffer us to perish in 
this quarrel ; for France hath decreed no less the conquest of 
England than of Scotland." After long reasoning, it was con 
cluded betwixt them two that support should be craved of 
England. For that purpose, the said Laird of Grange first 
wrote to Sir Harry Percy, and afterwards rode from Edinburgh 
and spake with him. To him lie made so plain demonstration 
of the apparent danger to England, that he took upon him to 
write to the Secretary Cecil; who with expedition returned 
answer back again. Sir Harry was given to understand that 
our enterprise was not altogether misliked by the Council, 
albeit they desired further resolution on the part of the 
principal Lords. When this was understood, it was concluded 
by some to write unto him plainly our whole purpose. . . . 
With this our letter, John Knox wrote two, one to the 
Secretary, and another to the Queen s Majesty herself. . . . 
These letters were directed by Alexander Whitelaw, a man 
that hath oft hazarded himself, and his all, for the cause of 
God, and for his friends when in danger for the same cause. 

Within a day or two after the departure of the said 
Alexander, there came a letter from Sir Harry Percy to John 
Knox, requiring him to meet him at Alnwick, on the third of 
August, upon such affairs as he would not write of, nor yet 
communicate to any but the said John himself. While he was 
preparing himself for the journey, for Secretary Cecil had 
appointed to meet him at Stamford, the Frenchmen came forth 
furiously from Dunbar, intending to have surprised the Lords 
in Edinburgh, as in the Second Book has been declared. This 
stayed the journey of the said John, until God had delivered 
the innocent from that great danger ; and then was he (having 
Master Robert Hamilton, minister of the Evangel of Jesus 


Christ, in his company) directed from the Lords, with fall com 
mission and instructions to set forth their whole cause and estate. 

The passage was from Pittenweem, by sea. Arriving at 
Holy Island, and being informed that Sir Harry Percy was 
absent from the North, they addressed themselves to Sir 
James Crofts, then Captain of Berwick and Warden of the 
East Marches of England. They showed to him their credit 
and commission. He received them gently, and comforted 
them with his faithful counsel, which was that they should 
travel no farther, nor yet should they be seen in public, and 
that for divers considerations. First, the Queen Eegent had 
her spies in England. Secondarily, the Queen and the Council 
favoured our action, but would that all things should remain 
secret as long as possible. And last, said he, " I do not think 
it expedient that, when preachers are so scarce, ye two should 
be any long time absent from the Lords. Therefore," said he, 
" ye shall do best to commit to writing your whole mind and 
credit, and I shall promise to you, upon my honour, to have 
answer delivered to you and the Lords, before ye yourselves 
could reach London. And where your letters cannot express 
all things so fully as your presence could, I, not only by my 
pen, but also by my own presence, shall supply the same, to 
such as will inform the Council sufficiently of all things." 

The said John and Master Eobert followed this counsel, 
for it was faithful and proceeded of love at that time. They 
tarried with Sir James Crofts very secretly, within the Castle 
of Berwick, for two days, when Alexander Whitelaw returned 
with answer to the Lords, and to John Knox, the tenor of 
whose letter was this : 

" MASTER KNOX, Non est masculus neque foemina, 
omnes enim, ut ait Paulus, unurn sumus in Christo 
Jesu. Benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino; et erit 
Dominus fiducia ejus. 1 
" I have received your letters, at the time that I had thought 

1 There is neither male nor female ; for, as saith Paul, they are all one in 
Christ Jesus. Blessed is the man who trusteth in the Lord ; and the Lord will 
be his confidence. Laing. 

i 9 4 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

to have seen yourself about Stamford. What is the cause of 
your let, I know not. I forbear to descend to the bottom of 
things, until I may confer with such an one as ye are ; and, 
therefore, if your chance shall be hereafter to come hither, I 
wish you to be furnished with good credit, and power to make 
good resolution. Although iny answer to the Lords of Con 
gregation be somewhat obscure, upon further understanding 
ye shall find the matter plain. I need wish to you no more 
prudence than God s grace, whereof God send you plenty. And 
so I end. From Oxford, the twenty-eighth of July 1559. 
Yours as a member of the same body in Christ, W. CECIL." 

Albeit the said John received this letter at Berwick, yet 
would he answer nothing until he had spoken with the Lords. 
Them he found in Stirling, and unto them he delivered the 
answer sent from the Council of England. . . . The answer 
sent by Master Cecil was so general that many amongst us 
were despaired of any comfort to come from that country ; 
and therefore were determined that they would request nothing 
further. John Knox laboured for the contrary purpose; but 
he could prevail no further than that he should have licence 
and liberty to write as he thought best. And so took he upon 
him to answer for all, in form as follows : 

" . . . Albeit Master Whitelaw, by his credit, Master 
Reply of Kirkaldy, by his letter, and I, both by letters and 
to s n ecre- x by that which I had learned from Sir James Crofts, 
did declare and affirm your good minds towards them 
and their support; yet could not some of the Council those, 
I mean, of greatest experience be otherwise persuaded, but 
that this alteration in France had altered your former purpose. 
" It is not unknown to your countrymen what goodwill we 
three do bear to England. Therefore we heartily desire of you 
that your favours and good minds may appear to the Council 
by your own writings, rather than by any credit committed 
to any of us. The case of those gentlemen standeth thus: 
Unless money be furnished without delay to pay their soldiers, 
who in number now exceed five hundred, for their service 
by-past, and to retain another thousand footmen, with three 


hundred horsemen for a time, they will be compelled every 
man to seek the next way for his own safety. I am assured, 
as flesh may be of flesh, that some of them will take a very 
hard life before they compone l either with the Queen Eegent, 
or with France. But this I dare not promise at all, unless in 
you they see a greater forwardness to their support. 

" To support us may appear excessive, and to break promise 
with France may appear dangerous. But, Sir, I hope ye con 
sider that our destruction were your greatest loss; and that 
when France shall be our full master which God avert ! they 
will be but slender friends to you. I heard Bethencourt brag 
in his credit, after he had delivered his menacing letters to Lord 
James Stewart, that the King and his Council would spend 
the Crown of France, unless they had our full obedience. But 
most assuredly I know r that unless by us they thought to 
make an entrance to you, they would not buy our poverty at 
that price. They labour to corrupt some of our great men by 
money, and some of our number are poor, as before I wrote, 
and cannot serve without support ; some they threaten ; and 
against others they have raised up a party in their own 
country. In the meantime, if ye lie by as neutrals, ye may easily 
conjecture what will be the end I Some of the Council, 
immediately after the sight of your letters, departed, not well 
appeased. The Earl of Argyll is gone to his country for 
putting order to the same, 2 and is minded to return shortly 
with his forces, if assurance of your support be had. 

" Therefore, Sir, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, I require 
you to make plain answer, that the Gentlemen here may know 
what to lippen to, 3 and at what time their support should be 
in readiness. How dangerous is the drift of time in such 
matters, ye are not ignorant. . . ." 

With great expedition, answer was returned to 
practical this letter. It was requested that some men of credit 
should be sent from the Lords to Berwick, to receive 
money for immediate support ; and promise was made that, if 
the Lords of the Congregation meant no otherwise than they 
had written, and if they would enter into league with honest 

1 Agree. 2 That is, to make arrangements there. 3 Trust to. 

196 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

conditions, they should neither lack men nor money to aid 
their just cause. Upon receipt of this answer, Master Henry 
Balnaves, a man of good credit in both the realms, was sent by 
the Lords to Berwick. He immediately returned with such a 
sum of money as served all the public affairs until the next 
November ; John Cockburn of Ormiston was then sent for the 
second support, and receiving the same, unhappily fell into 
the hands of the Earl Bothwell, and was wounded, taken, and 
spoiled of a great sum. Upon this mischance followed all the 
rest of our troubles before rehearsed. . . . 

In the negotiation of the Secretary Lethington with the 
Queen and Council of England, in which he travailed with no 
less wisdom and faithfulness than happy success, many things 
occurred that required the resolution of the whole Lords. 
Amongst these there was one of which we have made no 
previous mention. 

After the Queen and Council of England had concluded to 
send their army into Scotland to expel the French, the Duke 
of Norfolk was sent to Berwick, with full instructions, power, 
and commission, to do in all things, concerning the present 
affairs of Scotland, as the Queen and Councillors in their own 
persons might do. Hereupon, the said Duke required such a 
part of the Lords of Scotland as had power and commission 
from the whole to meet him at such day and place as it might 
please them to appoint. The intimation came first to Glasgow, 
by means of the Master of Maxwell. When this had been 
read and considered by the Lords, it was agreed that they 
should meet at Carlisle. This arrangement was made on the 
procurement of the said Master of Maxwell, for his own 

Letters were directed from the Lords, lying at 
reproaches Glasgow, to Lord James, requiring him to repair 
for 6 slack 5 towards them for the purpose named, with all 

- possible expedition. When these letters had been 
read and advised upon, commandment was given to 
John Knox to make the answer. . . . And he wrote as 
follows : " I have written oftener than once to Mr. Henry 
Balnaves concerning things that have misliked me in your 


slow proceedings in supporting your brethren, who many 
days have sustained extreme danger in these parts, as well 
as in making provision how the enemy might have been 
annoyed, when they lay in few numbers nigh to your 
quarters in Stirling ; and in making provision how the 
expectation of your friends, who long have awaited for your 
answer, might have been satisfied. But although I have 
complained of those things, of very conscience, I am yet 
compelled to signify unto your honours that, unless I shall 
espy some redress of these and other enormities, I am assured 
that the end shall be such as godly men shall mourn, and 
that a good cause shall perish for lack of wisdom and 

" In my last letters to Mr. Henry Balnaves, I declared that 
your especial friends in England wonder that no greater ex 
pedition is made, the weight of the matter being considered. 
I wrote also that, if the fault were with the Lord Duke and 
his friends, the greatest loss should be his and theirs in the 
end. And now, I cannot cease both to wonder and lament 
that your whole Council was so destitute of wisdom and dis 
cretion as to charge this poor man, the Prior, to come to you 
to Glasgow, and thereafter to go to Carlisle, for such affairs as 
are to be entreated. Was there none amongst you who did 
foresee what inconveniences might ensue his absence from 
these parts ? 

" I cease to speak of the dangers from the enemy. Your 
friends have lain in the Firth now for fifteen days bypast, and 
what was their former travail is not unknown ; yet they have 
never received comfort from any man, him only excepted, 
more than if they had lain upon the coast of their mortal 
enemy. Do ye not consider that such a company needs 
comfort and provision from time to time ? Remove him, and 
who abideth that carefully will travail in that or any other 
weighty matter in these parts ? Did ye not further consider 
that he had begun to meddle with the gentlemen who had 
declared themselves unfriends heretofore ; and also that order 
would have been taken for such as have been neutral ? Now, 
by reason of his absence, the former will escape without 

198 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

admonition, and the latter will retain their former liberty. I 
am assured that the enemy will not sleep, either in that or 
in other affairs. They will undermine you and your whole 
cause ; and, especially, they will hurt this part of the country 
in revenge for their former folly. 

" If none of these causes should have moved you to have 
considered that such a journey, at such a time, was not meet 
for the Lord James, or for them that must accompany him, 
discreet men would yet have considered that the men that have 
lien in their jacks, and travailed their horses continually the 
space of a month, require some longer rest than yet they have 
had, both for themselves and, especially, for their horses, before 
they should have been charged to take such a journey. The 
Prior may, for satisfaction of your unreasonable minds, make 
the enterprise ; but I am assured that he shall not be able to 
procure in all Fife six honest men to accompany him. How 
that stands either with your honour or his safety, judge ye 

" Again, it is a wonder that ye did not consider to what 
pain and fashery l ye put your friends of England ; especially 
the Duke of Norfolk and his Council, whom ye would cause to 
travel the most wearisome and fashous gait 2 that is in England. 
In my opinion, whoever gave you that counsel either lacked 
right judgment in things to be done, or else had too much 
respect to his own ease, and too small regard to the travail and 
danger of his brethren. A common cause requireth a common 
concurrence, and that every man bear his burden proportion- 
ably. Prudent and indifferent men espy the contrary in this 
cause, especially of late days; for the weakest are most 
grievously charged, and those to whom the matter most 
belongeth, and to whom justly the greatest burden is due, 
are in a manner exempted both from travail and expenses. 

" To speak the matter plainly, wise men do wonder what 
my Lord Duke s friends do mean ; they are so slack and back 
ward in this cause. In other .actions, they have been judged 
stout and forward ; and in this, which is the greatest that ever 
he or they had in hand, they appear destitute both of grace 

1 Trouble. - Troublesome route. 


and of courage. I am not ignorant that they that are most 
inward in his counsels are enemies to God, and therefore cannot 
but be enemies to His cause. But the wonder is that he and 
his other friends do not consider that the tinsel of this godly 
enterprise will mean the rooting of them and their posterity 
from this realm. Considering, my Lords, that by God s provi 
dence ye are joined with the Duke s Grace in this common 
cause, do ye admonish him plainly of the danger to come. 
Will him to beware of the counsel of those that are plainly 
infected with superstition, with pride, and with venom of 
particular profits. If he do not this at your admonition, he 
shall smart, before lie be aware ; if ye cease to put him in 
mind of his duty, it may be that, for your silence, ye shall 
drink some portion of the plague with him. . . ." 

Upon the receipt of this letter, and consultation thereupon, 
a fresh decision was made ; to wit, that the Lords would visit 
the Duke of Norfolk at Berwick, where he was. 

Thus far have we digressed from the style of the history, 
to let the posterity that shall follow understand by what 
instruments God wrought the familiarity and friendship that 
afterwards we found in England. Now we return to our 
former history. 

The parts of Fife set at freedom from the bondage 
th se bloody worms, solemn thanks unto God, for 
is m ighty deliverance, were given in St. Andrews. 
Shortly after, the Earl of Arran and Lord James 
apprehended the Lairds of Wemyss, Seafield, Balgonie, and 
Durie, and others that had assisted the French. They were, 
however, soon set at freedom, upon conditions that they 
never intended to keep : for such men have neither faith 
nor honesty. Mr. James Balfour, who was the greatest 
practiser, escaped. The English ships multiplied daily, until 
they were able to keep the whole Firth. This enraged the 
French and the Queen Regent, and they began to execute 
their tyranny upon the parts of Lothian that lay near to 

200 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

In the middle of February 1560, the Lord James, 
Berwick, Lord Kuthven, the Master of Maxwell, the Master of 
makea r s Lyndsay, Master Henry Balnaves, and the Laird of 
with ra Pittarrow were directed to England, from the Duke s 
Grace and the Congregation. All these, except the 
Master of Maxwell, departed with their honest companies 
and commission by sea to Berwick. There they were met by 
the Duke of Norfolk, lieutenant to the Queen s Majesty of 
England, and with him a great company of the gentlemen 
of the North, and some also of the South, having full power 
to contract with the nobility of Scotland. This they did, 
upon such conditions as in the Contract are specified. And 
because we have heard the malicious tongues of wicked men 
make false report of our action, we have faithfully and truly 
inserted in this our history the said Contract, that the 
memory thereof may bide to our posterity. They may judge 
with indifference whether we have done anything prejudicial 
to our commonwealth, or yet contrary to that dutiful obedience 
which true subjects owe to their superiors superiors whose 
authority ought to defend and maintain the liberty and 
freedom of the realms committed to their charge ; and not 
to oppress and betray these to strangers. The tenor of our 
Contract follows. 

"... The Queen s Majesty, having sufficiently 

principal understood, as well by information sent from the 


nobility of Scotland, as by the manifest proceedings 
tne French, that they intend to conquer the realm 

of Scotland, suppress the liberties thereof, and unite 
the same unto the Crown of France perpetually, contrary 
to the laws of the same realm, and to the pacts, oaths, and 
promises of France; and being thereto most humbly and 
earnestly required by the said nobility, for and in name of 
the whole realm, shall accept the said realm of Scotland, the 
Duke of Chatelherault, Earl of Arran, being declared by Act 
of Parliament in Scotland to be heir-apparent to the Crown 
thereof, and the nobility and subjects thereof, unto Her 
Majesty s protection and maintenance, only for preservation 
of the same in their freedoms and liberties, and from conquest 


during the time that the marriage shall continue betwixt the 
Queen of Scots and the French King, and a year after. And, 
for expelling out of the same realm such as presently and 
apparently go about to practise the said conquest, Her Majesty 
shall with all speed send unto Scotland a convenient aid of 
men of war, on horse and foot, to join with the power 1 of 
Scotsmen ; with artillery, munition, and all other instruments 
of war meet for the purpose, as well by sea as by land, not 
only to expel the present power of French within that realm, 
oppressing the same, but also to stop, as far as conveniently 
may be, all greater forces of French from entering therein 
for the like purpose. Her Majesty shall continue her aid 
to the said realm, nobility, and subjects of the same, unto 
the time that the French, being enemies to the said realm, 
are utterly expelled thence. Her Majesty shall never transact, 
compone, nor agree with the French, nor conclude any league 
with them, unless the Scots and the French shall be agreed ; 
that the realm of Scotland may be left in due freedom by the 
French. Nor shall Her Majesty leave off the maintenance of 
the said nobility and subjects, whereby they might fall as a 
prey into their enemies hands, as long as they shall acknow 
ledge their Sovereign Lady and Queen, and shall indure 2 
themselves to maintain the liberty of their country, and the 
estate of the Crown of Scotland. And, if any forts or 
strengths within the realm be won out of the hands of the 
French at this present time, or at any time hereafter, by 
Her Majesty s aid, the same shall be immediately demolished 
by the said Scotsmen, or delivered to the said Duke and his 
party foresaicl, at their option and choice. Nor shall the 
power of England fortify within the ground of Scotland, 
being out of the bounds of England, but by the advice of 
the said Duke, nobility, and estates of Scotland. 

" For which causes, and in respect of Her Majesty s most 
gentle clemency and liberal support, the said Duke, and all 
the nobility, as well such as be now joined, as such as shall 
hereafter join with him for defence of the liberty of that 
realm, shall, to the uttermost of their power, aid and support 

1 Forces. 2 Remain of firm purpose. 

202 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

Her Majesty s arm against the French, and their partakers, 1 
with horsemen and footmen, and with victuals, by land and 
by sea, and with all manner of other aid to the best of their 
power, and so shall continue during the time that Her 
Majesty s army shall remain in Scotland. They shall be 
enemy to all such Scotsmen and French as shall in any 
wise show themselves enemies to the realm of England in 
respect of the aiding and supporting of the said Duke and 
nobility in the delivery of the realm of Scotland from 
conquest. They shall never assent nor permit that the 
realm of Scotland shall be conquered, or otherwise knit to 
the Crown of France than it is at this present time only 
by the marriage of the Queen their Sovereign to the French 
King, and by the laws and liberties of the realm, as it 
ought to be. ... 

" And, finally, the said Duke and the nobility joined with 
him certainly perceiving that the Queen s Majesty of England 
is thereunto moved only upon respect of princely honour and 
neighbourhood for the defence of the freedom of Scotland 
from conquest, and not of any other sinister intent, do by 
these presents testify and declare that neither they nor any 
of them mean by this count to withdraw any due obedience 
to their Sovereign Lady the Queen, or to withstand the 
French King, her husband and head, in any lawful thing 
that, during the marriage, shall not tend to the subversion 
and oppression of the just and ancient liberties of the said 
kingdom of Scotland ; for preservation whereof, both for their 
Sovereign s honour, and for the continuance of the kingdom 
in ancient estate, they acknowledge themselves bound to 
spend their goods, lands, and lives. . . ." 
The Shortly after this contract was completed, our 

Regent pledges were delivered to Master Winter, Admiral 

IclVS WciStC 

the of the navy 2 that came to Scotland, a man of great 

honesty, so far as ever we could espy of him, and 
these were safely convoyed to Newcastle. Then the English 
began to assemble near the Border; and the French and 
Queen Regent, informed of this, began to destroy what they 

1 Allies. 2 Floet< 


could in the towns and country about. The whole victuals 
they carried to Leith ; the mills they broke ; the sheep, oxen, 
and kine, yea, the horses of poor labourers, they made all to 
serve their tyranny. In the end, they left nothing undone 
which very enemies could have devised, except that they 
demolished not gentlemen s houses, and burnt not the town 
of Edinburgh : in this particular, God bridled their fury, 
to let His afflicted understand that He took care of 

Before the coming of the land army, the French passed to 
Glasgow, and destroyed the country thereabout. The tyranny 
used by the Marquis upon a poor Scottish soldier is fearful to 
hear, and yet his act may not be omitted. They would give 
no silver to the poor men, and so they were slow to depart 
from the town ; and, albeit the drum was beaten, the ensign 
could not be got. A poor craftsman, \vlio had bought for 
his victuals a grey loaf and was eating a morsel of it, was 
putting the rest of it in his bosom. The tyrant came to 
him, and with the poor caitiff s own whinger first struck him 
in the breast, and afterwards cast it at him. The poor man 
staggering and falling, the merciless tyrant ran him through 
with his rapier, and thereafter commanded him to be hung 
over the stair. Lord, Thou wilt yet look, and recompense such 
tyranny ; however contemptible the person was ! 

On the second of April, in the year of God 1560, the army 
by land entered Scotland. Its conduct was committed to the 
Lord Grey, who had in his company the Lord Scrope, Sir James 
Crofts, Sir Harry Percy, and Sir Francis Lake; many other 
captains and gentlemen having charge, some of footmen, some 
of horsemen. The army by land was estimated at ten 
thousand men. The Queen Eegent and some others of her 
faction had passed to the Castle of Edinburgh. At Preston 
the English were met by the Duke s Grace, the Earl of Argyll 
(Huntly came not until the siege was confirmed), Lord James, 
the Earls of Glencairn and Monteith, Lords Euthven, Boyd, 
and Ochiltree, and all the Protestant gentlemen of West 
Fife, Angus, and Mearns. For a few days the army was 

204 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

After two days deliberation at Inveresk, the whole 

The Siege J . 

of Leith: camp marched forward with ordnance and all pre- 

April 1560. . . 

paration necessary tor the siege, and came to Kestalrig 
upon Palm Sunday evening. The French had put themselves 
in battle array upon the Links without Leith, and had sent 
forth their skirmishers. These, beginning before ten o clock, 
continued skirmishing until after four o clock in the afternoon, 
when some horsemen of Scotland and some of England charged 
upon them. But, because the principal captain of the horsemen 
of England was not present, the whole troop durst not charge, 
and so the overthrow and slaughter of the French was not so 
great as at one time it appeared to be. The great battle was 
once at the trot ; but when the French perceived that the 
great force of the horsemen stood still, and charged not, they 
returned and gave some resource to their fellows that fled. 
Thus there fell in that defeat only about three hundred 
Frenchmen. God would not give the victory so suddenly, 
lest man should glory in his own strength. This small 
victory put both the English and Scots in too great security, 
as the issue declared. 

The French enclosed within the town, the English army 
began to plant their pavilions betwixt Leith and Kestalrig. 
The ordnance of the town, and especially that which lay upon 
St. Anthony s steeple, caused them great annoyance ; and eight 
cannon were bent against this place. These shot so continu 
ally, and so accurately, that, within few days, that steeple was 
condemned, and all the ordnance on it was dismounted. This 
made the Englishmen somewhat more negligent than it 
became good men of war to have been ; for, perceiving that the 
French made no pursuit outside their walls, they got the idea 
that they would never ish more. Some of the captains for 
pastime, went to the town : l the soldiers, for their ease, laid 
their armour aside, and, as men beyond danger, fell to the 
dice and cards. So, upon Easter Monday, at the very hour 
of noon, when the French ished, both on horse and foot, and 
entered into the English trenches with great violence, they 
slew or put to flight all that were found there. 

1 That is, to Edinburgh. 


The watch was negligently kept, and succour was slow, and 
long in coming ; the French, before any resistance was made, 
approached almost to the great ordnance. But then the 
horsemen trooped together, and the footmen got themselves 
in array, and so repulsed the French back again to the town. 
But the slaughter was great : some say it exceeded double of 
that which the French received the first day. And this was 
the fruit of their security and ours. 

Matters were afterwards remedied; for the Englishmen, 
most wisely considering themselves not able to besiege the 
town at all points, made mounds at divers quarters of it. 
In these, they and their ordnance lay in as good strength as 
did the enemy within the town. The common soldiers kept 
the trenches, and had the said mounds for their safeguard and 
refuge, in case of any greater pursuit than they were able to 
sustain. The patience and stout courage of the Englishmen, 
but principally of the horsemen, is worthy of all praise : for 
where was it ever heard that eight thousand (they that lay 
in camp never exceeded that number) should besiege four 
thousand of the most desperate cut-throats that were to be 
found in Europe, and lie so near to them in daily skirmish 
ing, for the space of three months and more. The horsemen 
kept watch night and day, and did so valiantly behave them 
selves that the French got no advantage from that day until 
the day of the assault. 

In the meantime, another bond to defend the liberty of 
the Evangel of Christ was made by all the nobility, barons, 
and gentlemen, professing Christ Jesus in Scotland, and by 
divers others that joined with us in expelling the French 
army. . . . This contract and bond came not only to the 
ears but to the sight of the Queen Dowager. Thereat she 
stormed not a little, and said, " The malediction of God I give 
unto them that counselled me to persecute the preachers, 
and to refuse the petitions of the best part of the true sub 
jects of this realm. It was said to me that the English 
army could not lie in Scotland ten days ; but they have lain 
nearly a month now, and are more likely to remain than the 
first day they came." 

206 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

They that gave such information to the Queen, spoke as 
worldly wise men, and as things appeared to have been. For, 
the country being almost in all parts wasted, the victuals 
within reach of Leith either brought in to their stores or 
else destroyed, and the mills and other places cast down, it 
appeared that the camp could not have been furnished, unless 
it had been by their own ships. That could not have been 
for any long continuance of time, and so would have been of 
little comfort. But God confounded all worldly wisdom, and 
made His own benediction as evidently to appear as if, in a 
manner, He had fed the army from above. In the camp all 
the time that it lay, after eight days had passed, all kinds of 
victuals were more abundant, and of more easy prices, than 
they had been in Edinburgh at any time in the two previous 
years, or yet have been in that town to this day. The 
people of Scotland so much abhorred the tyranny of the 
French that they would have given their substance to have 
been rid of that chargeable burden which our sins had pro 
voked God to lay upon us in giving us into the hands of a 
woman, whom our nobility, in their foolishness, sold unto 
strangers, and with her the liberty of the realm. . . . 

The camp abounding in all necessary provision, 
Slfit^pon arran g emen ts were made for the confirmation of the 
successful" s ^ e o e j an d the trenches were drawn as near to the 
town as they well might be. The great camp re 
moved from Eestalrig to the west side of the Water of Leith ; 
and the cannons were planted for the bombardment, and shot 
at the south-west wall. But all was earth, and the breach 
was not made so great during the day but that it was suffi 
ciently repaired at night. The English, beginning to weary, 
determined to give the brush and assault. This they did, 
upon the seventh day of May, beginning before daylight, and 
continuing until it was near seven o clock. Albeit the 
English and Scottish, with great slaughter of the soldiers of 
both, were repulsed, there was never a sharper assault given 
at the hands of so few. The men that assaulted the whole 
two quarters of the town exceeded not a thousand, and yet 
they silenced the whole block-houses ; yea, they once put the 


French clean off their walls, and were upon both the east 
and west block-houses. But they had not sufficient backing. 
Their ladders wanted six quarters of the proper height ; and 
so, while the foremost were compelled to fight upon the top 
of the wall, their fellows could not get up to support them. 
Thus they were dung back again, by overwhelming numbers, 
when it was thought that the town was won. 

Sir James Crofts was blamed by many for not 
Crofts is doing his duty that day. He, with a sufficient number 
of most able men, had been instructed to assault the 
north-west quarter upon the sea-side, where, at low-water, as 
at the time of the assault, the passage was easy : but neither 
he nor his approached the quarter appointed. At their first 
coming in, he had spoken with the Queen Eegent at the front 
block-house of the Castle of Edinburgh. Whether she had 
enchanted him we knew not, but we suspected so that day. 
He certainly deceived the expectation of many, and, so far as 
man could judge, was the cause of that great repulse. ... All 
the time of the assault, which was both terrible and long, the 
Queen Eegent sat upon the fore-wall of the Castle of Edinburgh ; 
and when she perceived our overthrow, and that the ensigns of 
the French were again displayed upon the walls, she gave a 
guffaw of laughter, and said, " Now will I go to the Mass, and 
praise God for that which my eyes have seen ! " 

The French, proud of the victory, stripped naked all the 
slain, and laid their dead carcases in the hot sun along their 
wall, where they suffered them to lie more days than one. 
When the Queen Eegent looked towards this, she hopped for 
mirth and said, " Yonder are the fairest tapestries that ever I 
saw : I would that the whole fields that are betwixt this place 
and yon were strewn with the same stuff." This act was seen 
by all, and her words were heard by some, and misliked by 
many. Against this, John Knox spake openly in pulpit, and 
boldly affirmed, that God would revenge that contumely done 
to His image, not only on the furious and godless soldiers, but 
even on such as rejoiced thereat. And that which actually 
happened did declare that he was not deceived, for within a 
few days thereafter the Queen Eegent was smitten with disease. 

208 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

The Duke of Norfolk, who then lay at Berwick, 
S h C on- iege commanded the Lord Grey to continue the siege, and 
ifct of promised that he should not lack men, so long as any 
Rlg?nt een were to be had betwixt Trent and Tweed ; so far was 
he lieutenant. . . . While the siege thus continued, a 
sudden fire chanced in Leith, and this devoured many houses 
and much victual. Thus did _God begin to fight for us, as 
the Lord Erskine in plain words said to the Queen Eegent. 
" Madam," quoth he, " I can say no more ; but seeing that men 
may not expel unjust possessors from this land, God Himself 
will do it ; for yon fire is not kindled by man." These words 
offended the Queen Eegent not a little. Her sickness daily 
increasing, she used great craft that Monsieur D Oysel might 
be permitted to speak with her. Belike she wished to bid him 
farewell, for of old their familiarity had been great ; but that 
was denied. Then she wrote as if to her chirurgeon and 
apothecary, explaining her sickness and requiring drugs. The 
letter being presented to the Lord Grey, he espied craft. Few 
lines being written above and much white paper left, he said, 
" Drugs are abundant and fresher in Edinburgh than they can 
be in Leith : there lurks here some other mystery." By 
holding the paper to the fire, he perceived some writing 
appear, and this he read. But what it was, no other man 
can tell ; for he burnt the bill immediately, and said to the 
messenger, " Albeit I have been her secretary, yet tell her I 
shall keep her counsel. But say to her, such wares will not 
sell in a new market." 

When the Queen received this answer, she was not 
Regent content ; and travailed earnestly that she might speak 
R x ep r e e nt s - es with the Earls of Argyll, Glencairn, and Marischall, 
receVves d an d with the Lord James. After deliberation, it was 
fns^mction. thought expedient that they should speak with her, 
but not altogether, lest some part of the Guisian 
practice had lurked under the colour of such friendship. She 
expressed to them all regret that she had behaved herself so 
foolishly, and had compelled them to seek the support of otheis 
rather than of their own sovereign ; and she said that she sore 
repented that ever it came to that extremity. But hers was 


not the wyte. 1 Her action had been dictated by the wicked 
counsel of her friends on the one part, and the Earl of Huntly 
upon the other ; if he had not been there, she would have fully 
agreed with them at their communing at Preston. They gave 
her what counsel and comfort they could in that extremity, 
and willed her to send for some godly learned man, of whom 
she might receive instruction ; for these ignorant Papists that 
were about her, understood nothing of the mystery of our 
Eedemption. Upon their motive, John Willock was sent for. 
With him she talked a reasonable space, and he did plainly 
show to her the virtue and strength of the death of Jesus 
Christ, as well as the vanity and abomination of the Mass. 
She did openly confess that there was no salvation but in and 
by the death of Jesus Christ. We heard not her confession 
concerning the Mass. 

Death of Some said the Queen was anointed in the papistical 
the Queen manner, a sign of small knowledge of the truth, and of 


less repentance of her former superstition. Yet, how 
soever it was, Christ Jesus got no small victory over such an 
enemy. For, albeit she had formerly avowed that, in despite 
of all Scotland, the preachers of Jesus Christ should either die 
or be banished the realm, she was compelled not only to hear 
that Christ Jesus was preached, and all idolatry openly rebuked, 
and in many places suppressed, but also she was constrained 
to hear one of the principal ministers within the realm, 
and to approve the chief head of our religion, wherein 
we dissent from all Papists and papistry. Shortly there 
after she finished her unhappy life ; unhappy, we say, for 
Scotland, from the first day she entered into it, to the day 
she departed this life, which was the ninth of June, the 
year of God 1560. . . . 

Upon the sixteenth day of June, after the death of 
France is the Queen Eegent, there came to Scotland Monsieur 
Kandan, and with him the Bishop of Valance, in 
commission from France, to entreat of peace. Their negotia 
tion was longsome ; for both England and we, fearing deceit, 
sought by all means that the contract should be sure. They, 

1 Blame. 

210 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

upon the other part, intending to gratify those who had sent 
them and meant nothing but mere falseness, protracted time 
to the uttermost, even while those in Leith were very scarce of 
victuals, and those on Inchkeith would have perished, had 
not they by- policy got a ship with victuals, and some munition. 
Yet in the end peace was concluded. . . . 
The Peace proclaimed, immediate provision was made 

English for transporting the French to France. The most 
were P u ^ i 11 ^ k ne English ships, and these also 

with carried with them the whole spoil of Leith. That was 
the second benefit which Leith received from their 
late promised liberty ; the end is not yet come. The English 
army by land departed on the sixteenth day of July, in the 
year of God 1560. The most part of our Protestant nobility, 
honorably convoyed them, and in very deed they had well 
deserved this honour. The Lord James would not leave the 
Lord Grey and the other noblemen of England, until they had 
entered Berwick. After that, the Council began to look upon 
the affairs of the commonwealth, as well as upon the matters 
that might concern the stability of religion. . . . 

A day was appointed, when the whole nobility 
Thanks- and the greatest part of the Congregation assembled 
in St. Giles s Kirk in Edinburgh, and there, after the 

sermon made for that purpose, public thanks was 
given unto God for His merciful deliverance, in form as 
follows : 

" Eternal and Everlasting God, Father of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, who hast not only commanded us to pray, and promised 
to hear us, but also dost will us to magnify Thy mercies, and 
to glorify Thy name when Thou showest Thyself pitiful and 
favourable unto us, especially when Thou deliverest us from 
desperate dangers, ... we ought not to forget, nor can we, in 
what miserable estate stood this poor country, and we the just 
inhabitants thereof, not many days past. . . . Out of these 
miseries, Lord, neither our wit, policy, nor strength could 
deliver us ; yea, they did show unto us how vain is the help of 
man, where Thy blessing gives not victory. In these our 
anguishes, Lord, we made suit unto Thee, we cried for Thy 


help, and we proclaimed Thy name, as Thy troubled flock 
persecuted for Thy truth s sake. Mercifully hast Thou heard 
us. . . . And Thou hast looked upon us as pitifully as if we 
had given unto Thee most perfect obedience, for Thou hast 
disappointed the counsels of the crafty, Thou hast bridled the 
rage of the cruel, and Thou hast of Thy mercy set this our 
perishing realm at reasonable liberty. Oh, give us hearts 
Thou Lord, that only givest all good gifts with reverence and 
fear, to meditate upon Thy wondrous works lately wrought 
before our eyes. . . . 

" We beseech Thee, therefore, Father of mercies, that, 
as of Thy undeserved grace Thou hast partly removed our 
darkness, suppressed idolatry, and taken from above our 
heads the devouring sword of merciless strangers, it would 
so please Thee to proceed with us in this Thy grace begun. 
Albeit that in us there is nothing that may move Thy 
Majesty to show us Thy favour, yet for the sake of Christ 
Jesus, Thy only well-beloved Son, whose name we bear, and 
whose doctrine we profess, we beseech Thee never to suffer us 
to forsake or deny this Thy truth which now we profess. . . . 
And seeing that nothing is more odious in Thy presence, 
Lord, than is ingratitude and violation of an oath and covenant 
made in Thy name; and seeing that Thou hast made our 
confederates of England the instruments by whom we are now 
set at liberty, and that to them we, in Thy name, have promised 
mutual faith again, let us never fall to that unkindness, 
Lord, that either we shall declare ourselves unthankful unto 
them, or profaners of Thy holy name. Confound the counsels 
of them that go about to break that most godly league con 
tracted in Thy name, and retain Thou us so h rmly together by 
the power of Thy Holy Spirit, that Satan shall never have 
power to set us again at variance or discord. Give us Thy 
grace to live in that Christian charity which Thy Son, our 
Lord Jesus, has so earnestly commanded to all members of His 
body ; that other nations, provoked by our example, may set 
aside all ungodly war, contention, and strife, and study to live 
in tranquillity and peace, as it becomes the sheep of Thy 
pasture, and the people that daily look for final deliverance 

212 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

by the coming again of our Lord Jesus ; to whom with Thee, 
and the Holy Spirit, be all honour, glory, and praise, now and 
ever. Amen." 

After this, the Commissioners of Burghs, with 

Preachers , ... 

and Super- some or the nobility and barons, were appointed to 
are see to the equal distribution of ministers, and to 

change and transpose as the majority should think 
expedient. Thus John Knox was appointed to Edinburgh; 
Christopher Goodman, who during the most part of the 
troubles had remained in Ayr, was appointed to St. Andrews ; 
Adam Heriot to Aberdeen ; Master John Eow to Perth ; Paul 
Methven, of whom no infamy was then known, to Jedburgh ; 
William Christison to Dundee ; David Ferguson to Dun- 
fermline ; and Master David Lindsay to Leith. There were 
nominated as superintendents Master John Spottiswood for 
Lothian ; Master John Winram for Fife ; Master John Willock 
for Glasgow ; the Laird of Dun for Angus and Mearns ; and 
Master John Carswell for Argyll and the Isles. It was agreed 
that these should be elected upon certain days fixed, unless the 
districts to which they were to be appointed could in the 
meantime find out men more able and sufficient, or else show 
such causes as might inable x them for that dignity. 

The Parliament approaching, due notification was 
Protestant made by the Council to all such as by law and ancient 
ment a " custom had or might claim to have vote therein. The 
assembly was great, notwithstanding that certain of 
those that are called spiritual Lords, as well as some temporal 
Lords, did contemptuously absent themselves. The chief 
pillars of the papistical kirk gave their presence, such as the 
Bishops of St. Andrews, Dunblane, and Dunkeld, with others 
of the inferior sort. There were, besides, those that had 
renounced papistry, and openly professed Jesus Christ with 
us ; such as the Bishop of Galloway, the Abbots of Lindores, 
Culross, Inchcolm, Newbattle, and Holy rood house ; the Prior 
of St. Andrews, Coldingham, and St. Mary s Isle; the Sub- 
prior of St. Andrews, and divers others whom we observed 

1 Disqualify. 


At the time of Parliament, John Knox taught 
5 x publicly from the Prophet Haggai. The doctrine was 
formation proper for the time ; and the preacher was so special 
uponf eel an d so vehement in its application, that some who 
had greater respect to the world than to God s glory, 
feeling themselves pricked, said in mockage, " We must now 
forget ourselves, and bear the barrow to build the houses of 
God." God be merciful to the speaker; for we fear that he 
shall have experience that the building of his own house, the 
house of God being despised, shall not be so prosperous, and 
of such firmness, as we desire it were. Albeit some mocked, 
others were godly moved, and assembled themselves together 
to consult as to what things were to be proponed to that 
present Parliament. After deliberation, the following Sup 
plication was offered by the barons, gentlemen, burgesses, and 
other true subjects of the realm, professing the Lord Jesus 
Christ, to the Nobility and Estates of Parliament. 

" May it please your Honours to bring to rernem- 

The Pro- J . 

testants brance that, at divers and sundry times, we (with 
Pariia- some of yourselves) most humbly made suit at the 
feet of the late Queen Regent for freedom and liberty 
of conscience, with godly reformation of abuses which, by the 
malice of Satan and the negligence of men, have crept into 
the religion of God, and are maintained by such as take upon 
themselves the name of clergy. Our godly and most reason 
able suit was then disdainfully rejected, no small troubles 
ensuing, as your Honours well know. But now, seeing that 
the necessity that then moved us doth yet remain, and more 
over, that God in His mercy hath now put it into your hands so 
to regulate affairs that He may be glorified, this commonwealth 
quieted, and the policy thereof established, we cannot cease to 
crave at your hands the redress of such enormities as manifestly 
are, and of long time have been committed by the place-holders 
of the ministry and others of the clergy within this realm. . . . 
" We therefore, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, crave of your 
Honours that either they be compelled to answer to our 
former accusations and to such others as we justly have to lay 
to their charge, or else that, all affection laid aside, ye, by the 

214 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

censement 1 of this Parliament, pronounce them to be as by us 
they are most justly accused, and cause them to be reputed 
so ; especially, that they be decerned unworthy of honour, 
authority, charge, or cure within the Kirk of God, and so 
from henceforth never entitled to vote in Parliament. If ye 
do not so, then, in the fear of God and by the assurance of 
His Word, we forewarn you that, as ye have laid a grievous 
yoke and an intolerable burden upon the Kirk of God within 
this realm, so shall they be thorns in your eyes, and pricks in 
your sides, whom afterwards, when ye would, ye shall have 
no power to remove. God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ 
give you upright hearts seeking His glory, and true under 
standing of what this day He who delivered you from bondage, 
both spiritual and temporal, craves of you by His servants. 
And your Honours answer we most humbly require." 
Pariia ^* s our Supplication being read in audience of the 

ment calls whole assembly, divers men were of divers judgments. 

for the J . Jo 

Confession As there were some that uprightly favoured the cause 
of God, so were there many that, for worldly respects, 
abhorred a perfect Eeformation for how many within Scotland 
that have the name of Nobility are not unjust possessors of the 
patrimony of the Kirk? Yet, the barons and ministers were 
called, and commandment was given unto them to frame in plain 
and distinct heads the sum of that doctrine which they would 
maintain, and would desire that Parliament to establish, as whole 
some, true, and alone necessary to be believed and to be received 
within that realm. This commission they willingly accepted, 
and within four days they presented their Confession of Faith. 2 
This our Confession was publicly read, first in 
Confession audience of the Lords of Articles, and afterwards in 
ed audience of the whole Parliament. There were present 
a & reat number of the adversaries of our religion, such 
?atified! y as tne forenamed Bishops, and some others of the 
Temporal Estate, and these were commanded, in God s 
name, to state any objection to that doctrine if they could. 

1 Judgment. 

2 Knox embodies the full text of the Confession at this point in his History. 
In the present edition it will be found, in full, in the Appendix, infra. 


Some of our ministers were present, standing upon their feet 
ready to have answered, in case any would have defended the 
Papistry, and impugned our affirmations. No objection was 
made, but there was a day appointed for voting on that and 
other matters. Again, our Confession was read over, every 
article by itself, in the order in which these were written, and 
the vote of every man was required. Of the Temporal Estate 
there only voted to the contrary the Earl of Atholl and the 
Lords Somerville and Borthwick ; and yet for their dissent 
they produced no better reason than, " We will believe as our 
fathers believed." The Bishops (papistical, we mean) spake 
nothing. The rest of the whole three Estates, by their public 
votes, affirmed the doctrine. 

Many voted in the affirmative rather than in the negative, 
because the Bishops would or durst say nothing to the 
contrary. For instance, this was the vote of the Earl 
Marischall, " It is long since I have had some favour unto 
the truth, and since I have had a suspicion of the papistical 
religion; but, I praise my God, this day has fully resolved 
me in the one and the other. For, seeing that my Lord 
Bishops, who for their learning can, and for the zeal that 
they should bear to the truth, would, as I suppose, gainsay 
anything that directly repugns to the verity of God; seeing, 
I say, my Lord Bishops here present speak nothing contrary 
to the doctrine proponed, I cannot but hold it to be the very 
truth of God, and the contrary to be deceivable doctrine. And 
therefore, so far as in me lieth, I approve the one and damn 
the other. I do further ask of God that not only I but also 
all my posterity may enjoy the comfort of the doctrine that 
this day our ears have heard. Yet more, I must vote, as it 
were by way of protestation, that, if any persons ecclesiastical 
shall after this oppose themselves to this our Confession, they 
shall have no place or credit; considering that, they having 
long notice and full knowledge of this our Confession, none 
are now found in lawful, free, and quiet Parliament to oppose 
themselves to that which we profess. And therefore, if any of 
this generation pretend to do it after this, I protest that he be 
repute one that loveth his own commodity and the glory of 

216 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

the world, rather than the truth of God and the salvation of 
men s souls." 

After the ratification of our Confession by the whole 
Mass is body of Parliament, there were also pronounced two 
Acts, the one against the Mass and the abuse of the Sacra 
ments, and the other against the supremacy of the Pope. . . . 

These and other things done in lawful and free 
Mary and Parliament, we dispatched Sir James Sandilands, 
of France Lord St. John, to France, to our Sovereigns, with 
ratify the the Acts of the Parliament, that by them they might 
Parfia- be ratified, according to the promise of their High- 
ness s Commissioners made to us by the Contract of 
Peace. How the said Lord St. John was treated, we list not 
to rehearse ; but, in any case, no ratification was brought by 
him to us. That we little regarded, or yet do regard ; for all 
that we did was to show our dutiful obedience, rather than to 
beg of them any strength to our religion. That has full power 
from God, and needeth not the suffrage of man, except in so 
far as man hath need to believe it, if ever he shall have 
participation in the life everlasting. 

We must make answer, however, to such as since have 
whispered that it was but a pretended Parliament and a privy 
convention, and no lawful Parliament. Their reasons are that 
the King and Queen were in France; that there was neither 
sceptre, sword, nor crown borne, and so on, and that some 
principal Lords were absent. We answer that the Queen s 
person was absent, and that to no small grief of our hearts. 
But were not the Estates of her realm assembled in her name ? 
Yea, had they not her full power and commission, yea, the 
commission and commandment of her head, the King of 
France, to convocate that Parliament, and to do all things that 
may be done in lawful Parliament, even as if our Sovereigns 
had been there in proper person ? That Parliament, we are 
bold to affirm, was more lawful, and more free than any 
Parliament that they are able to produce for a hundred years 
before it, or any that hath since ensued ; for in it the votes of 
men were free, and given of conscience ; in others, they were 
bought, or given at the devotion of the prince. 


Parliament dissolved, consultation was had as to 
Book of how the Kirk, which had been altogether defaced by 
e the Papists, might be established in a good and godly 
policy. Commission and charge were given to Mr. John 
Winram, Sub-prior of St. Andrews, Master John Spottiswood, 
John Willock, Mr. John Douglas, Eector of St. Andrews, 
Master John Eow, and John Knox, to prepare a volume con 
taining the policy and discipline of the Kirk, much as in the 
Confession of Faith they had done in the matter of doctrine. 
This they did, and the book was presented to the Nobility, 
who perused it for many days. Some approved it, and were 
willing that it should have been set forth by a law. Others, 
perceiving their carnal liberty and worldly commodity some 
what to be impaired by its provisions, grudged, insomuch that 
the name of the Book of Discipline became odious unto 
them. . . . There were none within the realm more unmerci 
ful to the poor ministers than were they which had greatest 
rents of the churches. But in that we have perceived the old 
proverb to be true, " Nothing can suffice a wretch ; " and 
again, " The belly has no ears." Yet the Book of Discipline 
was subscribed by a great part of the Nobility. . . - 1 

Shortly after the Parliament, the Earls Morton and Glen- 
cairn, together with William Maitland of Lethington, younger, 
were sent to England as ambassadors from the Council. The 
chief point of their commission was to crave earnestly the 
constant assistance of the Queen s Majesty of England against 
all foreign invasion, and to propose the Earl of Arran (who 
was then in no small estimation with us) to the Queen of 
England in marriage. . . . 

The Papists were proud, for they looked for a new 
of Guis e use army from France in the next spring, and there was 
Papist! no small appearance of this, if God had not otherwise 
further provided. For France utterly refused to confirm the 
peace contracted at Leith, would ratify no Act of our 
Parliament, dismissed the Lord St. John without any resolute 
answer, and began to gather new bands of throat-cutters, and 
to make great preparation for ships. They further sent before 

1 See Appendix. 

218 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

them certain practisers to rouse up new troubles within this 
realm. . . . 

The certain knowledge of all these things came to our ears, 
and many were effrayed ; for divers suspected that England 
would not be so forward in times to come, considering that 
their former expenses were so great. The principal comfort 
remained with the preachers. They assured us, in God s name, 
that God would in our hands perform that work in all per 
fection. He had mightily maintained its beginning, because 
it was not ours but His own. They therefore exhorted us that 
we should with constancy proceed to reform all abuses and to 
plant the ministry of the Church, as by God s Word we might 
justify it, and should then commit the success of all to our 
God, in whose power the disposition of kingdoms stands. This 
we began to do, for threatening troubles made us give ear to 
the admonitions of God s servants. 

We had scarcely begun again to implore the help 
th| a King of our God, and to show some signs of our obedience 
sth D a "em-unto His messengers and Holy Word, when, lo ! the 
potent hand of God from above sent unto us a wonder 
ful and most joyful deliverance. For unhappy Francis, husband 
to our sovereign, suddenly perished of a rotten ear. . . . And 
we, who by our foolishness had made ourselves slaves to 
strangers, were restored again to freedom and the liberty of a 
free realm. Oh ! that we had hearts deeply to consider what 
are Thy wondrous works, Lord, that we might praise Thee 
in the midst of this most obstinate and wicked generation, 
and leave the memorial of the same to our posterity, who, 
alas ! we fear, may forget Thy inestimable benefits. . . . 
The death of this King made great alteration in France, 
England, and Scotland. France was relieved and in some 
hope. . . . 

The Queen of England and the Council sent back 
Elizabeth our Ambassadors with answer that she would not 
marry hastily, and therefore desired the Council of 
Scotland, and the Earl of Arran, not to depend upon 
any hope thereof. What motives she had, we omit. 
The pride of the Papists of Scotland began to be abated, and 


some that had ever shown themselves enemies to us began to 
think, and plainly to admit in words, that they perceived God 
to fight for us. The Earl of Arran himself did more patiently 
abide the repulse of the Queen of England, because he was not 
altogether without hope that the Queen of Scotland bare some 
favour unto him. And so he wrote to her, and for credit sent 
a ring which the said Queen our Sovereign knew well enough. 
The letter and ring were both presented to the Queen and 
received by her. Answer was returned to the Earl, and after 
that he made no further pursuit in the matter : not the less, 
lie bare it heavily in heart, and more heavily than many would 
have wissed. 1 

The certainty of the death of King Francis was notified 
unto us both by sea and land. When the news was divulged 
and noised abroad, a general Convention of the whole nobility 
was appointed to be holden at Edinburgh on the fifteenth day 
of January following. The Book of Discipline was thereat 
perused over again, for some pretended ignorance, because 
they had not heard it. 

At that assembly, Master Alexander Anderson, sub- 
De P bSe C principal of Aberdeen, a man more subtle and crafty 
the C Mass g tnan either learned or godly, was called on but refused 
to dispute in his faith, abusing a place of Tertullian to 
cloak his ignorance. It was answered to him, that Tertullian 
should not prejudge the authority of the Holy Ghost, who, by 
the mouth of Peter, commands us to give reason for our faith 
to every one that requires the same of us. It was further 
answered that we required neither him nor any man to dis 
pute in any point concerning our faith, which was grounded 
upon God s Word, and fully expressed within His holy Scrip 
tures; all that we believed without controversy. But we 
required of him, as of the rest of the Papists, that they would 
suffer their doctrine, constitutions, and ceremonies to come to 
trial; and principally, that the Mass, and the views thereof 
taught by them to the people, might be laid to the square 
rule of God s Word, and unto the right institution of Jesus 
Christ. . . . 

1 Imagined. 

220 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

While the said Mr. Alexander denied that the priest took 
upon him Christ s office to offer for sin, as was alleged, a Mass 
book was produced, and in the beginning of the Canon were 
these words read : Suscipe, Sancta Trinitas, hanc oblationem, 
quam ego indignus pcccator offero tibi vivo Deo et vero, pro 
pcccatis meis, pro peccatis totius Ecclesiae vivorum et mortuorum, 
etc. 1 Now, said the reasoner, if to offer for the sins of the whole 
Kirk was not the office of Christ Jesus, yea, the office that to 
Him only might, and may appertain, let the Scripture judge. 
And if a vile knave, whom ye call the priest, proudly takes 
the same upon him, let your own book witness. The said 
Master Alexander answered, " Christ Jesus offered the pro 
pitiatory, and that could none do but He ; but we offer the 
remembrance." It was answered, " We praise God, that ye 
have denied a sacrifice propitiatory to be in the Mass; and 
yet we offer to prove that, in more than a hundred places of 
your papistical Doctors, this proposition is affirmed, The Mass 
is a sacrifice propitiatory. But, to the second part ; where ye 
allege that ye offer Christ in remembrance, we ask, first, unto 
whom do ye offer Him ? and next, by what authority are ye 
assured of well doing ? With God the Father, there is no 
oblivion : and if ye will yet shift and say that ye offer it 
not as if God were forgetful, but as willing to apply Christ s 
merits to His Church, we demand of you, what power and 
commandment ye have so to do ? We know that our Master, 
Christ Jesus, commanded His apostles to do that which He 
did in remembrance of Him ; but plain it is, that Christ took 
bread, gave thanks, brake bread, and gave it to His disciples, 
saying, Take ye, eat ye ; this is my body which is broken for 
you. Do this in remembrance of me, etc. Here ye find a 
commandment to take, to eat, to take and to drink ; but to 
offer Christ s body either for remembrance or application, we 
find not: and therefore, we say, to take upon you an office 
which is not given unto you, is unjust usurpation, and no 
lawful power." 

1 " Holy Trinity, accept this oblation, which I, an unworthy sinner, present 
to Thee, the living and true God, for my own sins, and for the sins of the whole 
Church of the quick and the dead, etc." Laing. 


The said Master Alexander, being more than astonished, 
would have shifted; but the Lords called on him to answer 
directly. He answered that he was better seen in philosophy, 
than in theology. Master John Leslie, who then was parson 
of line, and now is Lord Abbot of Lindores, was commanded 
to answer to the former argument : and he with great gravity 
began to answer, " If our Master have nothing to say to it, I 
have nothing ; for I know nothing but the Canon Law : and 
the greatest reason that ever I could find there is Nolumus 
and Volumus" And yet we understand that now he is the 
only patron of the Mass. . . . The nobility hearing that neither 
the one nor the other would answer directly, said, " We have 
been miserably deceived heretofore ; for if the Mass may not 
obtain remission of sins to the quick and to the dead, wherefore 
were all the abbeys so richly doted x with our temporal lands." 
Thus much we have thought good to insert here, because 
some Papists are not ashamed nowadays to affirm that they 
with their reasons could never be heard ; but that all that we 
did, we did by fine force ; when the whole realm knows that 
we ever required them to speak their judgments freely, not 
only promising them protection and defence, but also that we 
should subscribe with them, if they by God s Scriptures could 
confute us, and by the same Word establish their assertions. 

At this Assembly also, the Lord James was ap- 

pointed to go to France to the Queen our Sovereign; 
t sent r to an( l a Parliament was appointed to begin on the 
Maiy! twentieth of May next following; for the return of 

the said Lord James was looked for at that time. . . . 
He was plainly premonished that, if ever he condescended 
that the Queen should have Mass publicly or privately within 
the realm of Scotland, he then betrayed the cause of God, and 
exposed religion to the uttermost danger that he could. . . . 

While Lord James, we say, was in France, there 
Embassy came an ambassador from France, suborned, no doubt, 
France. witn a11 craft that might trouble the Estate of the 

religion. His demands were i. That the league 
betwixt us and England should be broken. 2. That the 

1 Endowed. 

222 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

ancient league betwixt France and Scotland should be re 
newed. 3. That the bishops and kirkmen should be reponed 
in their former places, and be suffered to intromit with their 
livings. The Council delayed answer until the Parliament 
appointed in May. In the meantime, the Papists of Scotland 
practised with him. . . . 

Satan gets a little before the Parliament, resorted 

a Fail. i n Jivers bands to the town, and began to brag that 
they would deface the Protestants. When this was perceived, 
the brethren assembled together, and went in such companies, 
in peaceable manner, that the bishops and their bands forsook 
the causeway. 1 The brethren understanding what the Papists 
meant, convened in Council in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, on 
the twenty-seventh of May, in the year of God 1561 ; and, 
after consultation, concluded that a humble supplication should 
be presented unto the Lords of Secret Council, and unto the 
whole Assembly that then was convened. . . . Upon this 
request, the Lords of Council made an Act and ordinance 
answering to every head of the Articles proponed. And thus 
gat Satan the second fall, after he had begun to trouble the 
estate of religion, once established by law. His first assault 
was by the rascal multitude opposing themselves to the 
punishment of vice : the second was by the bishops and their 
bands, in which he thought utterly to have triumphed ; and 
yet in the end he prospered worse than ye have heard. 

For, in the meantime, the Lord James returned 
james has from France. Besides his great expenses, and the 
Escape l ss f a k x wherein was his secret poise, he barely 
Pa m ists e esca P e d a desperate danger in Paris. The Papists 
at Paris, hearing of his return from our Sovereign, 
who then lay with the Cardinal of Lorraine at Kheims, had 
conspired some treasonable act against him ; for they intended 
either to beset his house by night, or else to have assaulted 
him and his company as they walked upon the streets. Of 
this the said Lord James was informed by the Ptheingrave, 
by reason of old familiarity betwixt them in Scotland, 
and he took purpose suddenly and in good order to depart 
1 Made no appearance in public. 


from Paris. This he did on the second day after he had 
arrived there. He could not, however, depart so secretly, 
but that the Papists had their privy ambushes. They 
had prepared a procession, which met the said Lord and his 
company even in the teeth upon the Pont du Change; and 
knowing that the Scots would not do the accustomed reverence 
unto them and their idols, they thought to have picked a 
quarrel. So, as one part passed by without moving of hat to 
anything that was there, they had suborned some to cry 
" Huguenots," and to cast stones. But God disappointed their 
enterprise ; for the Eheingrave and other gentlemen, being 
with the Lord James, rebuked the foolish multitude, and over 
rode some of the foremost. The rest were dispersed; and 
he and his company safely escaped, and came with expedi 
tion to Edinburgh, while yet the Lords and assembly were 

The Lord James s coming was of great comfort to 
from s t a if e es many godly hearts, and caused no little astonishment 
Queen to the wicked : for, from the Queen our Sovereign he 
brought letters to the Lords, praying them to entertain quiet 
ness, to suffer nothing to be attempted against the contract 
of peace made at Leith, until her own home-coming, and to 
suffer the religion publicly established to go forward, etc. 
Thereupon, the Lords gave the French Ambassador a negative 
answer to every one of his petitions. . . . 

In the treaty of peace contracted at Leith, there 
were certain heads that required the ratification of 
th the Queens. The Queen of England, according 
th to her promise, subscription, and seal, performed the 
same without any delay, and sent it to our Sovereign by her 
appointed officers. But our Sovereign (whether because her 
own crafty nature so moved her, or because her uncle s chief 
counsellors so desired, we know not) with many delatours 1 
frustrated the expectation of the Queen of England. . . . This 
somewhat exasperated the Queen of England, and not alto 
gether without cause ; for the arms of England had formerly 
been usurped by our Sovereign and her husband Francis ; and 

1 Much procrastination. 

224 BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561 

Elizabeth, Queen of England, was reputed little better than 
a bastard by the Guisians. It had been agreed that this title 
should be renounced, but our proud and vain-glorious Queen 
was not pleased with this, especially after her husband was 
dead. " The to-look l of England shall allure many wooers to 
me," thought she, and the Guisians and the Papists of both 
the realms animated her not a little in that pursuit. The 
effect will appear sooner than the godly of England would 
desire; and yet is she that now reigneth over them neither 
good Protestant nor yet resolute Papist. 2 . . . 

1 Prospect. 

2 At the close of his Third Book, Knox inserts the Book of Discipline. This 
will be found, in full, in the Appendix, infra. 



IN the former books, gentle reader, thou mayest 
clearly see how potently God hath performed, in 
Reformed ^ nese our ^ as ^ an( ^ wicked days, as well as in the 
Scotland.* a es ^ na ^ nave P asse d before us, tlie promises that 
are made to the servants of God by the prophet 
Isaiah, in these words : " They that wait upon the Lord shall 
renew their strength; they shall lift up the wings as the 
eagles ; they shall run, and not be weary ; they shall walk, 
and not faint." For what was our force ? What was our 
number ? Yea, what wisdom or worldly policy was in us, to 
have brought to a good end so great an enterprise ? Our very 
enemies can bear witness. And yet in how great purity God 
did establish amongst us His true religion, as well in doctrine 
as in ceremonies ! To what confusion and fear were idolaters, 
adulterers, and all public transgressors of God s commandments 
brought within short time ? As touching the doctrine taught 
by our ministers, and as touching the administration of Sacra 
ments used in our churches, we are bold to affirm that there is 
no realm this day upon the face of the earth that hath them 
in greater purity : yea, we must speak the truth whomsoever 
we offend, there is no realm that hath them in like purity. 
However sincere be the doctrine that is taught by some, all 
others retain some footsteps of Antichrist, and some dregs of 
Papistry, in their churches, and the ministers thereof ; but we, 
all praise to God alone, have nothing within our churches that 
ever flowed from that man of sin. This we acknowledge to 
be the strength given unto us by God, because we esteemed 

1 The Fourth Book of the Progress and Continuance of True Religion icithin 


226 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

not ourselves wise in our own eyes, but, understanding our 
whole wisdom to be but mere foolishness before our God, laid 
it aside, and followed only that which we found approved by 
Himself. . . . 

Whence, alas, cometh this miserable dispersion 
teiis of of God s people within this realm to-day, in May, 

Declension.. - -/. -, ,, 

Anno 1566. And why is now the just compelled 
to keep silence ? Why are good men banished, and why do 
murderers, and such as are known to be unworthy of decent 
society (were just laws put in due execution) bear the whole 
regiment and swing within this realm ? Because, we answer, 
the most part of us declined from the purity of God s Word. 
Almost immediately we began to follow the world, and so 
again to shake hands with the Devil, and with idolatry, as 
in this Fourth Book we will hear. 

While the Papists were so confounded, that none within 
the realm durst avow the hearing or saying of Mass, more 
than the thieves of Liddesdale durst avow their stowth 1 in 
presence of an upright judge, there were Protestants who were 
not ashamed, at tables and other open places, to ask, " Why 
may not the Queen have her own Mass, and the form of her 
religion ? What can that hurt us or our religion ? " And 
from these two, "Why" and "What," at length sprang out 
this affirmative, " The Queen s Mass and her priests will we 
maintain: this hand and this rapier shall fight in their 
defence," etc. ... If such dealings, which are common 
amongst our Protestants, be not to prefer flesh and blood to 
God, to His truth, to justice, to religion, and to the liberty of 
this oppressed realm, let the world judge. . . . 

On the nineteenth day of August, in the year 
Jf h Mary! val f God 1561 > betwixt seven and eight o clock in the 
scoots": a f morning, Mary Queen of Scotland, then widow, arrived 
OnIen Ssin8: w ^h ^ wo g a H evs > from France. In her company 
(besides her gentlewomen, called the Marys) were 
her three uncles, the Duke D Aumale, the Grand Prior, and 
the Marquis d Elbosuf. There accompanied her also De Dani- 

1 Theft, 


ville, son to the Constable of France, with other gentlemen 
of inferior condition, besides servants and officers. The very 
face of heaven, at the time of her arrival, did manifestly 
proclaim what comfort was brought unto this country with 
her, to wit, sorrow, dolour, darkness, and all impiety ; for in 
the memory of man, there had never been seen, on that day 
of the year, a more dolorous face of the heaven, than at her 
arrival. And so it continued for two days : besides the surface 
wet, and corruption of the air, the mist was so thick and so 
dark, that scarcely might any man espy another the length 
of two pair of boots. The sun was not seen to shine for two 
days before, nor for two days after. That fore-warning gave 
God unto us; but, alas, the most part were blind. 

At the sound of the cannons which the galleys shot, the 
multitude were notified, and happy was he or she that first 
might attain the presence of the Queen. The Protestants were 
not the slowest, and therein they were not to be blamed. 
Because the Palace of Holyroodhouse was not thoroughly 
put in order (for her coming was more sudden than many 
looked for) she remained in Leith until towards the evening, 
and then repaired thither. In the way betwixt Leith and 
the Abbey, the rebels of the crafts, who had violated the 
authority of the magistrates, and had besieged the Provost, 
met the Queen. But, because she was sufficiently instructed 
that all they had done was in despite of religion, they were 
easily pardoned. Fires of joy were set forth all night, and a 
company of the most honest, with instruments of music and 
musicians, gave their salutations at her chamber window. The 
melody, as she alleged, liked her well; and she willed the 
same to be continued for some nights after. 

With great diligence the Lords repaired to the 
T^-es^orld Queen from all quarters. So there was nothing but 
?ocS ly ~ mirtn ancl quietness until the next Sunday, the 
twenty-third of August, when preparation began to 
be made for that idol the Mass to be said in the chapel. This 
pierced the hearts of all. The godly began to bolden ; and 
men began openly to speak, " Shall that idol be suffered again 
to take its place within this realm ? It shall not," The Lord 

228 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

Lyndsay, then but Master, with the gentlemen of Fife, and 
others, plainly cried in the close, " The idolater Priest should 
die the death." according to God s law. One that carried in 
the candle was evil effrayed ; but then began flesh and blood 
to show itself. No Papist, or yet any that came out of France, 
durst whisper. But the Lord James, the man whom all the 
godly did most reverence, took upon him to keep the chapel 
door. His best excuse was that he would stop all Scotsmen 
from entering in to the Mass. But it was and is sufficiently 
known that the door \ TT as kept, that none should have entrance 
to trouble the priest. After the Mass, he was committed to 
the protection of Lord John of Coldingham, and Lord Robert 
of Holyroodhouse, who then were both Protestants, and had 
communicated at the Table of the Lord. Betwixt them two 
was the priest convoyed to his chamber. 

The godly departed with great grief of heart, and in the 
afternoon repaired to the Abbey in great companies. These 
gave plain signification that they could not abide that the 
land, which God by His power had purged from idolatry, 
should be polluted again in their eyes. This understood, there 
began complaint upon complaint. The old dontibours 1 and 
others that long had served in the Court, who had no remission 
of sins except by virtue of the Mass, cried that they would 
return to France without delay : they could not live without 
the Mass. The Queen s uncles affirmed the same. Would to 
God that that menyie, 2 together with the Mass, had bidden 
good-night to this realm for ever. So would Scotland have 
been rid of an unprofitable burden of devouring strangers, 
and of the malediction of God that has stricken and yet will 
strike in punishment of idolatry. 

The Council having assembled, disputation was 
Council had as to what was the next remedy. Politic heads 
th<?Mass were sent to the gentlemen, with these and like 

arti persuasions, " Why, alas, will ye chase our Sovereign 

from us ? She will incontinently return to her galleys ; and 

what then shall all realms say of us ? May we not suffer her 

a little while ? We doubt not but that she shall leave it. If 

1 Courtezans. 8 Crowd of followers. 


we were not assured that she might be won, we should be as 
great enemies to her Mass as ye be. Her uncles will depart, 
and then shall we rule all at our pleasure. Would not we be 
as sorry to hurt the religion as would any of you?" With 
these and the like persuasions, the fervency of the brethren 
was quenched, and an Act was framed. . . . 

This Act and Proclamation, penned and put in 
of Irran form by men who had formerly professed Christ Jesus 

(for Papists had then neither power nor vote in the 
Council) was publicly proclaimed at the Market Cross of 
Edinburgh. No man reclaimed or made repugnance to it, 
with the sole exception of the Earl of Arran. He, in open 
audience of the heralds and people, protested that he dissented 
that any protection or defence should be made for the Queen s 
domestics or any that came from France, permitting to them 
more than to any other subject to offend God s Majesty, and 
to violate the laws of the realm. God s law had pronounced 
death against the idolater, and the laws of the realm had 
appointed punisjiment for sayers and hearers of the Mass. 
" I here protest," said he, " that these ought to be universally 
observed, and that none should be exempted, until such time 
as a law, as publicly made and as consonant to the law of God, 
shall have disannulled the former." 

This boldness somewhat exasperated the Queen, 
Stants and such as favoured her in that matter. As the 
beguiled. Lords, now called the Lords of the Congregation, 

repaired to the town, they at the first coming showed 
themselves wondrously offended that the Mass was permitted ; 
so that every man, as he came, accused those that had arrived 
before him : but after they had remained a certain time, they 
became as quiet as those who had preceded them. This per 
ceived, a zealous and godly man, Kobert Campbell of Kinyean- 
cleuch, said to the Lord Ochiltree, "My Lord, ye are come 
almost the last of all ; and I perceive by your anger that the 
fire-edge is not off you yet; but I fear that, after the holy 
water of the Court shall be sprinkled upon you, ye shall 
become as temperate as the rest. I have been here five days, 
and at the first I heard every man say, Let us hang the 

2 3 o BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

priest ; but, after they had been twice or thrice at the Abbey, 
all that fervency was past. I think there must be some 
enchantment whereby men are bewitched." And, in very 
deed, so it came to pass. The Queen s flattering words, ever 
crying, " Conscience, conscience : it is a sore thing to constrain 
the conscience ; " and the subtle persuasions of her supposts l 
(we mean even of some who at one time were judged most 
fervently with us) blinded all men. They allowed themselves 
to believe " She will be content to hear the preaching ; and 
so no doubt but she may be won." And thus by all it was 
concluded to suffer her for a time. 

On the next Sunday, John Knox, inveighing against 

idolatry, showed what terrible plagues God had laid 
f e am! upon realms and nations for this ; and added that 
Mass" 5 one Mass (there were no more suffered at the first) 

was more fearful to him than if ten thousand armed 
enemies were landed in any part of the realm, for the purpose 
of suppressing the whole religion. " In our God," said he, 
" there is strength to resist and confound multitudes, if we 
unfeignedly depend upon Him ; and of this we have had 
experience heretofore. But when we join hands with idolatry, 
there is no doubt that both God s amicable presence and 
comfortable defence leave us, and what shall then become 
of us ? Alas, I fear that experience shall teach us, to the 
grief of many." At these words, the guiders of the Court 
mocked, and plainly said that such fear was no point of 
their faith : it was outside his text, and was a very untimely 
admonition. . . . 

Whether it was by counsel of others, or of the 
reasons" * Queen s own desire, we know not; but the Queen 
Queen. 6 spake with John Knox, and had long reasoning with 

him, none being present except the Lord James : two 
gentlewomen stood at the other end of the apartment. The 
sum of their reasoning was this. The Queen accused him of 
having raised a part of her subjects against her mother and 
against herself. He had, she said, written a book against her 
just authority (she meant the treatise against the regiment of 

1 Supporters. 


women) which she had, and she should cause the most learned 
in Europe to write against it ; he was the cause of great sedition 
and great slaughter in England ; she was informed that all he 
did was by necromancy, and so on. 

The said John answered, " Madam, it may please your 
Majesty patiently to hear my simple answers. And first," 
said he, " if to teach the truth of God in sincerity, if to rebuke 
idolatry, and to will a people to worship God according to His 
Word, be to raise subjects against their princes, then can I not 
be excused ; for it has pleased God in His mercy to make me 
one, amongst many, to disclose unto this realm the vanity of 
the papistical religion, and the deceit, pride, and tyranny of 
that Koman Antichrist. But, Madam, if the true knowledge 
of God and His right worshipping be the chief causes that 
must move men from their heart to obey their just princes, as 
it is most certain that they are, wherein can I be reprehended ? 
I think, and am surely persuaded, that your Grace has had, 
and presently has, as unfeigned obedience from such as profess 
Jesus Christ within this realm, as ever your father, or other 
progenitors had from those that were called bishops. And, 
touching that book which seemeth so highly to offend your 
Majesty, it is most certain that I wrote it, and am content 
that all the learned of the world should judge of it. I hear 
that an Englishman hath written against it, but I have not 
read him. If he have sufficiently improved my reasons, and 
established his contrary proposition, with as evident testi 
monies as I have done mine, I shall not be obstinate, but 
shall confess my error and ignorance. But to this hour I 
have thought, and yet think myself alone to be more able to 
sustain the things affirmed in that work, than any ten in 
Europe shall be able to confute it." 

Queen Mary. Ye think, then, that I have no just authority ? 

John Knox. Please, your Majesty, learned men in all ages 
have had their judgments free, and most commonly disagreeing 
from the common judgment of the world ; such also have they 
published, both with pen and tongue, and yet they themselves 
have lived in common society with others, and have borne 
patiently with the errors and imperfections which they could 

232 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

not amend. Plato, the philosopher, wrote his book of The 
Commonwealth. In this he damned many things that then 
were maintained in the world, and required many things to 
be reformed ; and yet he lived under such polities as then 
were universally received, without further troubling any state. 
Even so, Madam, am I content to do, in uprightness of heart, 
and with the testimony of a good conscience. I have com 
municated my judgment to the world ; if the realm finds no 
inconvenience from the regiment of a woman, that which they 
approve shall I not disallow, further than within my own 
breast. I shall be as well content to live under your Grace 
as Paul was to live under Nero ; and my hope is that, so long 
as ye defile not your hands with the blood of the saints of 
God, neither I nor that book shall either hurt you or your 
authority : for, in very deed, Madam, that book was written 
most especially against that wicked Jezebel of England. 

Queen Mary. But ye speak of women in general. 

John Knox. Most true it is, Madam, and yet it appeareth 
to me that wisdom should persuade your Grace never to raise 
trouble for that which to this day hath not troubled your 
Majesty, in person or in authority. Of late years, many 
things, which before were holden stable, have been called 
in doubt ; yea, they have been plainly impugned. But yet, 
Madam, I am assured that neither Protestant nor Papist 
shall be able to prove that any such question was at any 
time moved in public or in secret. Now, Madam, if I had 
intended to have troubled your estate because ye are a 
woman, I might have chosen a time more convenient for 
that purpose than I can do now, when your own presence 
is within the realm. 

But now, Madam, shortly to answer to the other two 
accusations. I heartily praise my God, through Jesus Christ, 
that Satan, the enemy of mankind, and the wicked of the 
world, have no other crimes to lay to my charge, than such as 
the very world itself knoweth to be most false and vain. I 
was resident in England for only the space of five years. The 
places were Berwick, where I abode two years; so long in 
Newcastle ; and a year in London. Now, Madam, if any man 


shall be able to prove that there was either battle, sedition, 
or mutiny in any of these places, during the time that I was 
there, I shall confess that I myself was the malefactor, and 
the shedder of the blood. Further, Madam, I am not ashamed 
to affirm that God so blessed my weak labours that, in 
Berwick, where commonly before there used to be slaughter, 
by reason of quarrels that used to arise amongst soldiers, there 
was as great quietness, all the time that I remained there, as 
there is this day in Edinburgh. And where they slander me 
of magic, necromancy, or of any other art forbidden by God, 
I have, besides my own conscience, all congregations that 
ever heard me as witnesses that I spake against such arts, and 
against those that use such impiety. . . . 

Queen Mary. But yet ye have taught the people to receive 
another religion than their princes can allow. How can that 
doctrine be of God, seeing that God commands subjects to obey 
their princes ? 

John Knox. Madam, as right religion took neither original 
strength nor authority from worldly princes, but from the 
Eternal God alone, subjects are not bound to frame their 
religion according to the appetites of their princes. Oft it 
is that princes are the most ignorant of all others in God s 
true religion, as we may read in the histories of times before 
the death of Christ Jesus, as well as after. If all the seed 
of Abraham should have been of the religion of Pharaoh, to 
whom they were long subjects, I pray you, Madam, what 
religion should there have been in the world ? Or, if all 
men in the days of the Apostles should have been of the 
religion of the Eoman Emperors, what religion should there 
have been upon the face of the earth ? Daniel and his fellows 
were subjects to Nebuchadnezzar, and to Darius, and yet, 
Madam, they would not be of their religion : for the three 
children said, " We make ib known unto thee, King, that 
we will not worship thy gods." And Daniel did pray publicly 
to his God against the expressed commandment of the King. 
And so, Madam, ye may perceive that subjects are not bound 
to the religion of their princes, albeit they are commanded to 
give them obedience. 

234 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

Queen Mary. Yea, but none of these men raised the sword 
against their princes. 

John Knox. Yet, Madam, ye cannot deny that they 
resisted : for, in some sort, these resist that obey not the 
commandments that are given. 

Queen Mary. But yet, they resisted not by the sword. 

John Knox. God, Madam, had not given unto them the 
power and the means. 

Queen Mary. Think ye, that subjects having power may 
resist their princes. 

John Knox. If their princes exceed their bounds, Madam, 
no doubt they should be resisted, even by po\ver. For there 
is neither greater honour, nor greater obedience to be given to 
kings or princes, than God has commanded to be given to 
father and mother. But, Madam, the father may be stricken 
with a frenzy, in which he would slay his own children. Now, 
Madam, if the children arise, join themselves together, appre 
hend the father, take the sword or other weapons from him, 
and finally bind his hands, and keep him in prison, until his 
frenzy be overpast; think ye, Madam, that the children do 
any wrong ? Or, think ye, Madam, that God will be offended 
with them that have stayed their father from committing 
wickedness ? It is even so, Madam, with princes that would 
murder the children of God that are subject unto them. 
Their blind zeal is nothing but a very mad frenzy ; and, 
therefore, to take the sword from them, to bind their hands, 
and to cast them into prison until they be brought to a 
more sober mind, is no disobedience against princes, but just 
obedience, because it agreeth with the will of God. 

At these words the Queen stood as it were amazed, for 
more than quarter of an hour. Her countenance altered, so 
that Lord James began to entreat her, and to demand, " What 
has offended you, Madam." 

At length she said, " Well, then, I perceive that my subjects 
shall obey you, and not me ; and shall do what they list, and 
not what I command : and so must I be subject to them, and 
not they to me." 

John Knox. God forbid, that ever I take upon me to 


command any to obey me, or yet to set subjects at liberty to 
do what pleaseth them. But my travail is that both princes 
and subjects obey God. And think not, Madam, that wrong 
is done to you when ye are willed to be subject to God. It is 
He that subjects people under princes, and causes obedience to 
be given to them ; yea, God craves of kings that they be, as it 
were, foster-fathers to His Church, and commands queens to 
be nurses to His people. And, Madam, this subjection to God 
and to His troubled Church is the greatest dignity that tiesh 
can get upon the face of the earth, for it shall carry them to 
everlasting glory. 

Queen Mary. Yea, but ye are not the Kirk that I will 
nurse. I will defend the Kirk of Rome, for I think it is the 
true Kirk of God. 

John Knox. Your will, Madam, is no reason ; neither 
doth your thought make of that Roman harlot the true and 
immaculate spouse of Jesus Christ. Wonder not, Madam, 
that I call Rome a harlot; for that Church is altogether 
polluted with all kind of spiritual fornication, as well in 
doctrine as in manners. Yea, Madam, I offer myself further 
to prove that the Church of the Jews that crucified Christ 
Jesus, when it manifestly denied the Son of God, was not so 
far degenerated from the ordinances and statutes which God 
gave by Moses and Aaron unto His people, as the Church of 
Rome is declined, and for more than five hundred years hath 
declined from the purity of that religion which the Apostles 
taught and planted. 

Queen Mary. My conscience is not so. 

John Knox. Conscience, Madam, requires knowledge ; and 
I fear that right knowledge ye have none. 

Queen Mary. But I have both heard and read. 

John Knox. So, Madam, did the Jews that crucified 
Christ Jesus read both the Law and the Prophets, and heard 
the same interpreted after their manner. Have ye heard any 
teach, but such as the Pope and his Cardinals have allowed ? 
Ye may be assured that such will speak nothing to offend their 
own estate. 

Queen Mary. Ye interpret the Scriptures in one manner, 

236 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

and they interpret in another ; whom shall I believe ? And 
who shall be judge ? 

John Knox. Ye shall believe God, that plainly speaketh 
in His Word : and, farther than the Word teaches you, ye 
shall believe neither the one nor the other. The Word of God 
is plain in itself ; and, if there appear any obscurity in one 
place, the Holy Ghost, who is never contrary to Himself, 
explains the same more clearly in other places : so that there 
can remain no doubt, but to such as obstinately remain 
ignorant. And now, Madam, take one of the chief points 
this day in controversy betwixt the Papists and us. For 
example, the Papists allege and boldly have affirmed that the 
Mass is the ordinance of God, and the institution of Jesus 
Christ, and a sacrifice for the sins of the quick and the dead. 
We deny both the one and the other, and affirm that the Mass, 
as it is now used, is nothing but the invention of man ; and, 
therefore, is an abomination before God, and no sacrifice that 
ever God commanded. Now, Madam, who shall judge betwixt 
us two thus contending ? There is no reason that either of 
the parties be believed farther than they are able to prove by 
insuspect witnessing. Let them lay down the Book of God 
and, by the plain words thereof, prove their affirmation, and 
we shall give them the plea granted. But so long as they are 
bold to affirm, and yet do prove nothing, we must say that, 
albeit all the world believe them, yet they believe not God, 
but receive the lies of men for the truth of God. What our 
Master Jesus Christ did, we know from His Evangelists : what 
the priest doeth at his Mass, the world seeth. Now, doth not 
the Word of God plainly assure us that Christ Jesus neither 
said, nor yet commanded Mass to be said at His Last Supper, 
seeing that no such thing as their Mass is made mention of 
within the whole Scriptures ? 

Queen Mary. Ye are ower sair l for me, but if they were 
here that I have heard, they would answer you. 

John Knox. Madam, would to God that the learnedest 
Papist in Europe, and him whom ye would best believe, were 
present with your Grace to sustain the argument ; and that ye 

1 Too deep. 


would patiently abide to hear the matter reasoned to the end ; 
for then, I doubt not, Madam, ye should hear the vanity of the 
papistical religion, and how small ground it hath within the 
Word of God. 

Queen Mary. Well, ye may perchance get that sooner than 
ye believe. 

John Knox. Assuredly, if ever I get that in my life, I 
get it sooner than I believe; for the ignorant Papists cannot 
patiently reason, and the learned and crafty Papists will never 
come to your audience, Madam, to have the ground of their 
religion searched out. They know that they are never able to 
sustain an argument, unless fire, and sword, and their own laws 
be judges. 

Queen Mary. So say ye, but I cannot believe that. 

John Knox. It has been so to this day; for how oft 
have the Papists in this and other realms been required 
to come to conference, and yet it could never be obtained, 
unless they themselves were admitted as judges. Therefore, 
Madam, I must yet say again that they dare never dispute, but 
where themselves are both judge and party. Whensoever ye 
shall let me see the contrary, I shall grant myself to have been 
deceived in that point. 

With this the Queen was called to dinner, for it was after 
noon. At departing, John Knox said to her, " I pray God, 
Madam, that ye may be as blessed within the commonwealth 
of Scotland, if it be the pleasure of God, as ever Deborah was 
in the commonwealth of Israel." 

Of this long conference, whereof we only touch a 
ts part, there were divers opinions. The Papists grudged, 

conference an d feared that which they needed not. The godly, 
Knox. thinking that at least she would have heard the 
preaching, rejoiced ; but they were utterly deceived, 
for she continued in her massing; and despised and quietly 
mocked all exhortations. 

Some of his familiars demanded of John Knox what he 
thought of the Queen. "If there be not in her," said he, "a 
proud mind, a crafty wit, and an indurate heart against God 
and His truth, my judgment faileth me. . . ." 

238 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

The Duke D Aumale returned with the galleys to France. 
The Queen entered on her progresses, and in the month of 
September travelled from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, Stirling, 
Perth, Dundee, and St. Andrews; and all these parts she 
polluted with her idolatry. Fire followed her very commonly 
in that journey. The towns propyned 1 her liberally, and the 
French were enriched. 

In the beginning of October, the Queen returned 
gaifty of dl " to Edinburgh, and on the day appointed she was 
biSgh. received in the Castle. Great preparations were 

made for her entrance to the town. In farces, in 
masking, and in other prodigalities, fools would fain have 
counterfeited France. Whatsoever might set forth her glory, 
that she heard and gladly beheld. The keys were delivered to 
her by a pretty boy, descending as it were from a cloud. The 
verses in her own praises she heard, and smiled. But when 
the Bible was presented, and its praise declared, she began to 
frown : for shame she could not refuse it. But she did no 
better, for immediately she gave it to the most pestilent 
Papist within the realm, to wit, to Arthur Erskine. Since 
that day, the people of Edinburgh have reaped as they sowed. 
They gave her some taste of their prodigality; and because 
the liquor was sweet, she has licked of that buist 2 of tener than 
twice since. All men know what we mean : the Queen cannot 
lack and the subjects have. 

It hath been an ancient and a laudable custom in 
Sagis- Edinburgh that the Provost, Bailies, and Council, 
Edinburgh after their election at Michaelmas, cause public pro- 
fmprisoned clamation of the statutes and ordinances of the town, 
deposed. Therefore Archibald Douglas, Provost, Edward Hope, 

Adam Fuller ton, Mr. James Watson, and David Somer, 
Bailies, made proclamation, according to the former statutes 
of the town, that no adulterer, no fornicator, no noted drunkard, 
no mass-monger, no obstinate Papists that corrupted the people, 
such as priests, friars, and others of that sort, should be found 
within the town within forty-eight hours thereafter, under the 
pains contained in the statutes. This blown in the Queen s 

1 Presented gifts, 2 Brewing, 


ears, pride and maliciousness began to show themselves ; for, 
without further intimation, the Provost and Bailies were charged 
to ward in the Castle; and immediately commandment was 
given that another Provost and other Bailies should be elected. 

Some gainstood the new election for a while, alleging that 
the Provost and Bailies whom they had chosen, and to whom 
they had given their oath, had committed no offence for which 
they ought justly to be deprived. But charge was doubled 
upon charge, and, no man being found to oppose the iniquity, 
Jezebel s letter and wicked will were obeyed as law. So Mr. 
Thomas M Calzean was chosen. The man, no doubt, was both 
discreet and sufficient for that charge ; but the deposition of 
the other was against all law. God be merciful to some of our 
own ; for they were not all blameless that her wicked will was 
so far obeyed. 

A contrary proclamation was publicly made, to the effect 
that the town should be patent unto all the Queen s lieges; 
and so murderers, adulterers, thieves, whores, drunkards, 
idolaters, and all malefactors, got protection under the Queen s 
wings, under that colour, because they were of her religion. 
And so gat the Devil freedom again, where before he durst not 
have been seen in daylight upon the common streets. " Lord 
deliver us from that bondage." 

The Devil, finding his reins loose, ran forward in 
Mass is his course ; and the Queen took upon her greater 
boldness than she and Baal s bleating priests durst 
have attempted before. For, upon Allhallow Day, they 
blended their Mass with all mischievous solemnity. The 
ministers, offended, declared in plain and public place the 
inconveniences that should ensue, and the nobility were 
sufficiently admonished of their duties. But affection caused 
men to call in doubt that wherein shortly before they had 
seemed to be most resolute, to wit, "Whether subjects might 
put to their hand to suppress the idolatry of their Prince." 
Upon this question, there convened, in the house of Mr. 
James Macgill, the Lord James, the Earl of Morton, the 
Earl Marischall, Secretary Lethington, the Justice Clerk, 
and the Clerk of Register. All reasoned for the part of 

240 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

the Queen, affirming that the subjects might not lawfully 
take her Mass from her. Of the contrary judgment were 
the principal ministers, Mr. John Eow, Master George Hay, 
Master Robert Hamilton, and John Knox. . . . 

The conclusion of that first reasoning was that the question 
should be put in form, and letters directed to Geneva for 
the resolution of that Church. Therein John Knox offered 
his labours; but Secretary Lethington, alleging that much 
depended on the information, said that he should write. 
But that was only to drive time, as the truth declared itself. 
The Queen s party urged that the Queen should have her 
religion free in her own chapel, that she and her household 
might do what they should list. The ministers both affirmed and 
voted to the contrary, adding that her liberty should be their 
thraldom before long. But neither could reason nor threatening 
move the affections of such as were creeping into credit, and 
the votes of the Lords prevailed against those of the ministers. 
For the punishment of theft and of reif, 1 which had 
james increased upon the Borders and in the south, since the 
sent w to r the Queen s arrival, the Lord James was made Lieutenant. 
Some suspected that such honour and charge proceeded 
from the same heart and counsel as that by which Saul made 
David captain against the Philistines. But God assisted him, 
and bowed the hearts of men to fear and obey him. Yea, the 
Lord Bothwell himself at that time assisted him. Sharp 
execution was made in Jedburgh, for twenty-eight of one 
clan and others were hanged at that Justice Court. Bribes, 
buds, nor solicitation saved the guilty, if he could be appre 
hended ; and God prospered the Lord James in his integrity. 
He also spake with the Lord Grey from England at Kelso, 
that good rule might be kept upon both the Borders, and they 
agreed in all things. 

Before the return of the Lord James, the Queen 
Behaviour one n ig nt took a fray 2 in her bed, as if horsemen had 

Queen keen * n tne c ^ os6 an( ^ the Palace had been enclosed 
about. Whether this proceeded of her own womanly 
fantasy, or men had put her in fear, for displeasure of the Earl 
1 Robbery. 2 Fright. 


of Arran, and for other purposes, as for the strengthening of the 
guard, we know not. But the fear was so great that the town 
was called to the watch. Lords Robert of Holyroodhouse and 
John of Coldingham kept the watch by turns. Scouts were 
sent forth, and sentinels were commanded, under pain of death, 
to keep their stations. Yet they feared, where there was no 
cause for fear : nor could ever any appearance or suspicion of 
such things be discovered. 

Shortly after the return of the Lord James, Sir Peter 
Mewtas came from the Queen of England, with commission to 
require the ratification of the Peace made at Leith. His answer 
was even such as we have heard before that she behoved to 
advise, and then should send answer. 

In presence of her Council, the Queen kept herself very 
grave, for, under the dule weed, 1 she could play the hypocrite 
in full perfection ; but as soon as ever her French fillocks, 2 
fiddlers, and others of that band, got the house alone, there 
might have been seen skipping not very comely for honest 
women. Her common talk was in secret ; she saw nothing in 
Scotland but gravity, which repugned altogether to her nature, 
for she was brought up in joyousness, as she termed her dancing, 
and other things thereto belonging. 

The General Assembly of the Church was held 
influence * n the December after the Queen s arrival. There the 
Curtis rulers of the Court began to draw themselves apart 
Kirk" the f rom the society of their brethren, and to sturr 3 and 
grudge that anything should be consulted upon with 
out their advices. Master John Wood, who had formerly 
shown himself very fervent in the cause of God, and forward 
in giving his counsel in all doubtful matters, plainly refused 
ever to assist the Assembly again. At this many did wonder. 
The courtiers drew to them some of the Lords, and would 
not convene with their brethren, as had been their former 
custom, remaining at the Abbey instead. The principal 
commissioners of the churches, the superintendents, and 
some ministers went to see them at the Abbot s lodging 

1 Apparel of mourning. " Giddy young women. 

" Make disturbance. 

242 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

within Both the parties began to open their 

The Lords complained that the ministers drew 
Ministers the gentlemen into secret councils without their 
reproach i mow i ec ig e . The ministers denied that they had 
L e o f rds* ing done anything in secret, or otherwise than the 
Common Order commanded them ; and accused the 
Lords, the flatterers of the Queen we mean, for not having 
kept convention with their brethren, considering that they 
knew the order, and that the same was appointed by their 
own advices, as the Book of Discipline, subscribed by the 
hands of the most part of them, would witness. Some began 
to deny that ever they knew such a thing as the Book of 
Discipline ; and also called in doubt whether it was expedient 
that such conventions should be held ; for gladly would the 
Queen and her Secret Council have had all assemblies of the 
godly discharged. 

The reasoning was sharp and quick on either part. The 
Queen s faction alleged that it was suspicious to Princes that 
subjects should assemble themselves and keep conventions 
without their knowledge. It was answered that the Church 
did nothing without knowledge of the Prince. The Prince 
perfectly understood that within this realm there was a 
Reformed Church, and that they had their orders and 
appointed times of convention. " Yea," said Lethington, " the 
Queen knew and knoweth it well enough; but the question 
is, whether the Queen allows such conventions ? " It was 
answered, " If the liberty of the Church should stand upon 
the Queen s allowance or disallowance, we are assured not 
only to lack assemblies, but also the public preaching of the 

That affirmative was mocked, and the contrary was 
affirmed. " Well," said the other, " time will try the truth ; 
but to my former words this will I add take from us the 
freedom of assemblies, and take from us the Evangel; for, 
without assemblies, how shall good order and unity in doctrine 
be kept ? It is not to be supposed that all ministers shall be 
so perfect, but that they shall need admonition, concerning 


manners as well as doctrine. It may be that some shall be so 
stiff-necked that they will not admit the admonition of the 
simple. It may be that fault may be found with ministers, 
without just offence committed. Yet, if order be not taken, 
both with the complainer and the persons complained upon, 
it cannot be avoided that many grievous offences shall arise. 
For remedy of these, General Assemblies are necessary. 
There, the judgment and the gravity of many concur to 
correct or to repress the follies or errors of a few." The 
majority of the Nobility and of the Barons assented to this, and 
willed the reasoners for the part of the Queen to desire that, 
if her Grace were suspicious of anything that was to be dealt 
with in their Assemblies, she should be pleased to send such 
as she would appoint, to hear whatsoever was proponed or 

After that, the Book of Discipline was put for- 
?oncerning ward, with request that it should be ratified by the 
of e E : Queen s Majesty. That was scripped at, and it was 
Discipline. demanded) How many O f those that had subscribed 

that Book would be subject unto it ? " It was answered, " All 
the godly." " Will the Duke ? " said Lethington. " If he will 
not," answered the Lord Ochiltree, " I would that he were 
scraped out, not only from that Book, but also from our 
number and company. For to what purpose shall labours 
be taken to put the Kirk in order, and to what end shall men 
subscribe, and then never mean to keep a word of that which 
they promise?" Lethington answered, "Many subscribed 
there in fide parcntum, as the bairns are baptized." John 
Knox answered, "Albeit ye think that scoff proper, yet, as it 
is most untrue, so is it most improper. That Book was read 
in public audience, and by the space of divers days the heads 
thereof were reasoned, as all that here sit know well enough, 
and ye yourself cannot deny; no man was required to sub 
scribe that which he understood not." " Stand content," said 
one, " that Book will not be obtained." " Let God," said the 
other, " require the lack which this poor Commonwealth shall 
have of the things therein contained, from the hands of such 
as stop the same." 

244 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

The Barons, perceiving that the Book of Discip- 
Barons line was refused, presented certain Articles to the 
Public Council, requiring idolatry to be suppressed, their 
regard to churches to be planted with true ministers, and some 
iasticai certain provision to be made for these, according to 

Benefices. .. , . ,-1,1 j- .n 

equity and conscience ; tor, until that time, the most 
part of the ministers had lived upon the benevolence of men. 
Many held in their own hands the fruits that the bishops 
and others of that sect had formerly abused; and so some 
part was bestowed upon the ministers. But then the bishops 
began to grip again at that which most unjustly they called 
their own ; for the Earl of Arran was discharged of St. 
Andrews and Dunfermline, with which, by virtue of a factory, 
he had formerly intromitted : and so were many others. There 
fore the Barons required that arrangements might be made 
for their ministers. Otherwise, they would obey the bishops 
no more, nor would they suffer anything to be taken for their 
use, more than they did before the Queen s arrival. They 
verily supposed that the Queen s Majesty would keep promise 
made to them, not to alter their religion. That could not 
remain without ministers, and ministers could not live without 
provision. For these reasons, they heartily desired the Council 
to provide some convenient order in that respect. 

The Queen s flatterers were somewhat moved ; for 
Council the rod of impiety was not then strengthened in her 
dmdTthe and their hands. So they began to practise; they 
of a th e m y wished to please the Queen, and yet seem somewhat 
to satisfy the faithful. In the end, they devised that 
the Churchmen 1 should have intromission with two parts of 
their benefices, and that the third part should be lifted by such 
men as thereto should be appointed for [the necessities con 
cerning the Queen s Majesty, and charges to be borne for the 
common weal of the realm, and sustentation of the preachers 
and readers.] . . . 2 

Even in the beginning, the ministers, in their public 
sermons, opposed themselves to such corruption, for they 

1 That is, the Papists in possession of ben efices. 

2 Knox here quotes, in full, the Acts passed by the Council. 


foresaw the purpose of the Devil, and clearly understood the 
butt at which the Queen and her flatterers shot. In the stool l 
of Edinburgh, John Knox said, "Well, if the end of this 
order, pretended to be taken for sustentation of the ministers, 
be happy, my judgment faileth me; for I am assured that 
the Spirit of God is not the author of it. First I see two 
parts freely given to the Devil, and then the third must be 
divided betwixt God and the Devil. Bear witness to me that 
this day I say it before long the Devil shall have three parts 
of the third ; judge what God s portion shall then be." This 
was an unsavoury saying in the ears of many. Some were 
not ashamed to affirm, " The ministers being sustained, the 
Queen will not, at the year s end, have enough to buy her a 
pair of new shoes." And this was Secretary Lethington. 

There were appointed to modify 2 the ministers 
stipends, the Earls Argyll, Moray, and Morton, 
Lethington, the Justice Clerk, and the Clerk of 
Register. The Laird of Pittarrow was appointed to 
pay the ministers stipends, according to their modification. 
Who would have thought that, when Joseph ruled Egypt, his 
brethren should have travelled for victuals, and have returned 
to their families with empty sacks ? Men would rather have 
thought that Pharaoh s poise, treasure, and girnells should 
have been diminished, before the household of Jacob should 
have stood in danger of starving for hunger. 

So busy and circumspect were the modificators (because it 
was a new office, the term must also be new) to secure that 
the ministers should not be too wanton, a hundred marks 
was considered sufficient for a single man, being a common 
minister. Three hundred marks was the highest stipend 
appointed to any, except to the superintendents, and a few 
others. Shortly, whether it was from the niggardliness of 
their own hearts, or the care that they had to enrich the 
Queen, we know not; but the poor ministers, readers, and 
exhorters cried out to the heaven, as their complaints in all 
Assemblies do witness, that neither were they able to live 
upon the stipends appointed, nor could they get payment 
1 Pulpit. 2 Adjust. 

246 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

of that small thing that was appointed. The Comptroller 
would fain have played the good valet, and have satisfied 
the Queen, or else his own profit, in every point; and he got 
this saying and proverb, " The good Laird of Pittarrow was an 
earnest professor of Christ ; but the big Devil receive the 
Comptroller, for he and his collectors are become greedy 
factors." l 

We put an end to this unpleasing story. When the 
brethren complained of their poverty, it was disdainfully 
answered by some, "There are many Lords that have not 
so much to spend." Men did reason that the vocation of 
ministers craved books, quietness, study, and travel, to edify 
the Kirk of Jesus Christ, while many Lairds were waiting 
upon their worldly business. The stipends of ministers, who 
had no other industry, but had to live upon that which was 
appointed, ought therefore not to be modified according to the 
livings of common men, who might and did daily augment 
their rents by some other industry. But they gat no other 
answer than, " The Queen can spare no greater sums." Oft 
was it cried into their ears, " happy servants of the Devil, 
and miserable servants of Jesus Christ ; if after this life there 
were not hell and heaven." To the servants of the Devil, to 
your dumb dogs and horned bishops, to one of those idle 
bellies, I say, ten thousand was not enough; but to the 
servants of Christ that painfully preach His Evangel, a 
thousand pounds ; how can that be defended ? 

One day, in reasoning of this matter, the Secretary 
Ltthtngton burst out in a piece of his choler, and said, " The 
Answer, ministers have so much paid to them year by year, 
and who yet ever bade the Queen grand-mercies 
for it? Was there ever a minister that gave thanks to God 
for her Majesty s liberality towards them ? " One smiled and 
answered, "Assuredly, I think that such as receive anything 
gratis of the Queen, are unthankful if they acknowledge it 
not, both in heart and mouth. But whether the ministers 
be of that rank or not, I greatly doubt. Gratis, I am assured, 
they receive nothing ; and whether they receive anything at 

1 Stewards. 


all from the Queen, wise men may reason. I am assured 
that neither Third nor Two-part ever appertained to any 
of her predecessors within this realm these thousand years 
by-past, nor yet has the Queen better title to that which 
she usurps, be it in giving to others or in taking to herself, 
than had such as crucified Jesus to divide His garments 
amongst them. If the truth may be spoken, she has not so 
good title as they had ; for such spoil used to be the reward 
of such men. And these soldiers were more gentle than the 
Queen and her flatterers, for they parted not the garments 
of our Master until He Himself was hung upon the cross; 
but she and her flatterers do part the spoil while poor Christ 
is yet preaching amongst you. But the wisdom of our God 
makes trial of us by this means, knowing well enough what 
she and her faction have purposed to do. Let the Papists, 
who have some the Two-parts, some their Thirds free, and 
some abbacies and feu lands, thank the Queen, and sing, 
Placebo Domince. The poor preachers will not yet flatter, 
for feeding of their belly." These words were judged proud 
and intolerable, and engendered no small displeasure to the 

This we put in memory, that the posterities to come may 
know that God once made His truth to triumph ; but, because 
some of ourselves delighted more in darkness than in light, 
He hath restrained our freedom, and put the whole body in 
bondage. . . . 

In the meantime, to wit, in February, the year 
st e r wart mes f ^ oc l 1^61, Lord James Stewart was first made 
E^r/of Earl of Mar, 1 and then married to Agnes Keith, 
Marriage daughter to the Earl Marischall. At the marriage, 
which was public in the church of Edinburgh, they 
both got an admonition to behave themselves moderately in 
all things ; " For/ said the preacher (John Knox) to him, 
" to this day the Kirk of God hath received comfort by you, 
and by your labours. If hereafter ye shall be found fainter 

1 " Soon after, the Earldom of Moray was bestowed upon him, instead of the 
Earldom of Mar. Lord Erskine had an old right to the Earldom of Mar." 
MS, variant. 

248 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

in this than ye were before, it will be said that your wife 
hath changed your nature." The greatness of the banquet, and 
the vanity used thereat, offended many godly. There began 
the masking, which from year to year hath continued since. 

Master Eandolph, agent for the Queen of England, was 
then, and for some time after, in no small conceit with our 
Queen ; for his mistress sake, she drank to him in a cup of 
gold, which he possessed with greater joy for the favour of 
the giver, than for the gift and its value; and yet it was 
honourable. The things that then were in handling betwixt 
the two Queens Lethington, Secretary Cecil, and Master 
Eandolph being ministers were of great weight, as we will 
afterwards hear. 

This winter, the Earl Bothwell, the Marquis 
cinduct ry D Elboeuf, and Lord John of Coldingham, played 
Bothweii riot in Edinburgh, misordered the whole town, broke 
Cuthbert Eamsay s gates and doors, and searched his 
house for his good-daughter, 1 Alison Craik. This was done in 
despite of the Earl of Arran, whose mistress the said Alison 
was suspected to have been. The horror of this fact, and the 
rarity of it, highly commoved all godly hearts. The Assembly 
and the nobility were in the town for the most part ; and they 
concluded to crave justice by supplication. This they did. . . . 

This supplication was presented by divers gentlemen. At 
first the flatterers of the Court stormed, and asked, " Who 
durst avow it ? " The Master, now Lord Lyndsay, answered, 
" A thousand gentlemen within Edinburgh." Others were 
ashamed to oppose themselves to the supplication in public ; 
but they suborned the Queen to give a gentle answer until 
such time as the Convention was dissolved. This she did ; 
for she lacks no craft, both to cloak and to maintain impiety. 
She alleged that her uncle was a stranger and had a young 
company; but that she should put such order to him, and 
unto all others, that thereafter they should have no occasion 
to complain. . . . 

But punishment of that enormity and fearful attempt 
we could get none: more and more they presumed to do 

1 Daughter-in-law. 


violence, and frequented nightly masking. Some, as Robin 
Craig s household, because his daughter was fair, delighted 
therein ; others lamented, and began to bear the matter very 
heavily. At length, the Lord Duke s friends assembled one 
night upon the causeway. The Abbot of Kilwinning (who 
then was joined to the Church, and, as we understand, doth 
yet abide so) was the principal man at the beginning. To 
him repaired many faithful : and amongst others came Andrew 
Stewart, Lord Ochiltree, a man rather born to make peace 
than to brag upon the causeway, and demanded the quarrel. 
Being informed of the former enormity, he said, " Nay, such 
impiety shall not be suffered so long as God shall assist us. 
By His grace, we will maintain the victory that God in His 
mercy hath given." So he commanded his son, Andrew 
Stewart, then Master, arid his servants to put themselves in 
order, and to bring forth their spears and long weapons ; and 
thus did others. 

Word came to the Earl Bothwell and his party that the 
Hamiltons were upon the gait. 1 Vows were made that the 
Hamiltons should be dung not only out of the town, but also 
out of the country. Lord John of Coldingham had married 
the Earl Bothwell s sister, a sufficient woman for such a man ; 
others drew the Lord Eobert; and so they both joined with 
the Earl Bothwell. But the stoutness of the Marquis Le 
Bceuf, D Elboeuf they call him, is most to be commended ; 
for in his chamber, within the Abbey, he started to a halbert, 
and ten men were scarcely able to hold him ; but, as hap 
was, the inner gate of the Abbey kept him that night. The 
danger was betwixt the Cross and the Salt Tron ; and so he 
was a large quarter of a mile from the shot and slanting 2 of 
bolts. The Master of Maxwell gave declaration to the Earl 
Bothwell that, if he stirred from his lodging, he, and all that 
would assist him, should resist him in the face : these words 
did somewhat beat down that blast. The Earls of Huntly 
and Moray, 3 being in the Abbey where the Marquis was, came 
with their companies, sent from the Queen to stay that 

1 On the move. 2 Range. 

3 Formerly Lord James Stewart : of. page 247, n. 

250 BOOK FOURTH: 1501-1564 

tumult. This they did; for Both well and his party were 
commanded to keep their lodgings, under pain of treason. 

It was whispered by many that the desire for a 
against quarrel with the Earl of Moray was as strong as was 
ofM^ray. ail 7 hatred that the Hamiltons bore against the Earl 
Bothwell, or he against them. Indeed, either had 
the Duke very false servants, or else the Earl of Moray s 
death was conspired oftener than once by Huntly and the 
Hamiltons. Suspicion of this burst forth so far that one day 
the said Earl, being upon horse to come to the sermon, was 
charged by one of the Duke s own servants to return and 
abide with the Queen. 

The Earl Bothwell, by means of James Barren, 


Bothwell burgess 1 and merchant of Edinburgh, desired to speak 
with s with John Knox secretly. The said John gladly 
x granted this request, and spake with him one night, 
first in the said James s lodging, and thereafter in his own 
study. The said Earl lamented his former inordinate life, and 
especially that he had been provoked by the enticements of the 
Queen Eegent to do that which he sorely repented, as well 
as his conduct towards the Laird of Ormiston, whose blood 
had been spilt, albeit not by his fault. But his chief dolour 
was that he had misbehaved himself against the Earl of Arran, 
whose favours he was most willing to redeem, if it were 
possible that he might do so. He desired the said John to 
give him his best counsel. " For," said he, " if I might have 
my Lord of Arran s favours, I would wait upon the Court 
with a page and few servants, to spare my expenses. At 
present I am compelled, for my own safety, to keep a number 
of wicked and unprofitable men, to the utter destruction of 
what of my living there is left." 

The said John answered, " My Lord, would to God that in 
me were counsel or judgment that might comfort and relieve 
you. Albeit to this hour it hath not chanced me to speak 
with your Lordship face to face, yet have I borne a good mind 
to your house ; and I have been sorry at my heart concerning 
the troubles that I have heard you to be involved in. My 

1 Inhabitant with full municipal right. 


grandfather, goodsire, 1 and father, have served your Lordship s 
predecessors, and some of them have died under their standards; 
and this is a part of the obligation of our Scottish kindness : 2 but 
this is not my chief reason. As God has made me His public 
messenger of glad tidings, it is my earnest desire that all men 
may embrace the same, and they cannot do this perfectly so 
long as there remaineth in them rancour, malice, or envy. I am 
very sorry that ye have given occasion to men to be offended 
with you ; but I am more sorry that ye have offended the 
Majesty of God, who by such means oft punishes the other 
sins of man. Therefore, my counsel is that ye begin at God ; 
if ye will enter into perfect reconciliation with Him, I doubt 
not but He shall bow the hearts of men to forget all offences. 
As for me, if ye continue in godliness, your Lordship may com 
mand me as boldly as any that serves your Lordship." 

The said Lord desired John Knox that he would sound the 
Earl of Arran as to whether he would be content to receive 
him into his favour. This he promised to do ; and he so 
earnestly travailed in that matter, that it was once brought to 
a conclusion and agreement, such as caused all the faithful to 
praise God. The greatest stay 3 stood upon the satisfaction of 
the Laird of Ormiston, who, besides his former hurt, was, even at 
the time of the communing, pursued by the said Lord Bothwell, 
his son Master Alexander Cockburn taken by him, and carried 
with him to Borthwick, but gently enough sent back again. 

That new trouble so greatly displeased John Knox, 

TheRecon- & J 

ciiiation of that he almost gave over larther travailing tor amity, 
of Arran But yet, upon receiving the excuse of the said Earl, 
Eari and after the declaration of his mind, he re-entered 
upon his labours, and brought it to pass that the 
Laird of Ormiston referred his satisfaction in all things to the 
judgments of the Earls of Arran and Moray. To them the 
said Earl Bothwell submitted himself in that respect, and 
thereupon delivered his handwrit. He was convoyed by cer 
tain of his friends to the lodging of the Kirk-of-Field, where 
the Earl of Arran was with his friends, the said John Knox 
being with him, to bear witness and testification of the end of 

1 Maternal grandfather. 2 Fealty of retainers. 3 Impediment, 

252 BOOK FOURTH: 15G1-15G4 

the agreement. As the Earl Bothwell entered at the chamber 
door, and would have done those honours that friends had 
appointed (Master Gavin Hamilton and the Laird of Eiccarton 
were the chief friends that communed) the Earl of Arran 
gently passed to him, embraced him, and said, " If the hearts 
be upright, few ceremonies may serve and content me." 

The said John Knox, in audience of them both and of 
their friends, then said, " Now, my Lords, God hath brought 
you together by the labours of simple men, in respect of such 
as would have travailed therein. I know my labours are 
already taken in an evil part ; but, because I have the testi 
mony of a good conscience before my God that whatsoever I 
have done, I have done in His fear, for the profit of you both, 
for the hurt of none, and for the tranquillity of this realm : 
seeing, I say, that my conscience beareth witness to me a 
witness that I have sought and continually seek I the more 
patiently bear the misreports and wrongous judgments of men. 
And now I leave you in peace, and desire you that are the 
friends to study that amity may increase, all former offences 
being forgotten." The friends of either part embraced the 
others, and the two Earls departed to a window, and talked by 
themselves familiarly for a reasonable space. Thereafter the 
Earl Bothwell departed for that night ; and upon the next day 
in the morning he returned, with some of his honest friends, 
and came to the sermon with the Earl foresaid. At this many 
rejoiced. But God had another work to work than the eyes of 
men could espy. 

The next Thursday, the 26th of March 1562, they 
dined together ; and thereafter the said Earl Bothwell 
. an( ^ Master Gavin Hamilton rode to my Lord Duke s 
Grace, who then was at Kinneil. What communica 
tion was had betwixt them, it is not certainly known, except 
by the report which the said Earl of Arran made to the 
Queen s Grace, and to the Earl of Moray, by his writings. 
For upon Friday, the fourth day after their reconciliation, the 
sermon being ended, the said Earl of Arran came to the house 
of John Knox, and brought with him Master Richard Strang 
and Alexander Guthrie. To them he opened the grief of his 


mind before John Knox was called; for he was occupied, as lie 
is wont to be after his sermons, in directing of writings. 

These labours ended, the said Earl called the three to 
gether, and said, " I am treasonably betrayed ; " and with these 
words began to weep. John Knox demanded, " My Lord, who 
has betrayed you ? " " One Judas, or other," said he ; " but I 
know it is but my life that is sought : I regard it not." The 
other said, "My Lord, I understand not such dark manner of 
speaking : if I shall give you any answer, you must speak 
more plain." " Well," said he, " 1 take you three to witness 
that I open this to you, and I will write it to the Queen. An 
act of treason is laid to my charge ; the Earl of Bothwell has 
shown to me in counsel that he shall take the Queen and put 
her in my hands in the Castle of Dumbarton ; and that he 
shall slay the Earl of Moray, Lethington, and others that now 
misguide her : and so shall I and he rule all. But I know 
that this is devised to accuse me of treason ; for I know that 
he will inform the Queen of it. But I take you to witness that 
I open it here to you ; and, incontinently, I will go and write to 
the Queen s Majesty, and to my brother, the Earl of Moray." 

John Knox demanded, " Did ye consent, my Lord, to any 
part of that treason ? " He answered, " Nay." " Then," said 
he, " in my judgment, his words, albeit they were spoken, can 
never be treason to you; for the performance of the act de 
pends upon your will, whereto ye say ye have dissented ; and 
so shall that purpose vanish and die by itself, unless ye waken 
it ; for it is not to be supposed that he will accuse you of that 
which he himself devised, and whereto ye would not consent." 
" 0," said he, " ye understand not what craft is used against 
me : it is treason to conceal treason." " My Lord," said he, 
" treason must import consent and determination, which I hear 
upon neither of your parts. Therefore, my Lord, in my judg 
ment, it shall be more sure and more honourable to you to 
depend upon your innocence, and to abide the unjust accusa 
tion of another, if any follow thereof, as I think there shall 
not, than for you to accuse, especially after so recent reconcilia 
tion, and have none other witnesses but your own affirmation." 
" I know," said he, " that he will offer combat to me ; but that 

254 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

would not be suffered in France : I will do that which I have 
purposed." And so he departed, and took with him to his 
lodging the said Alexander Guthrie and Mr. Kichard Strang. 
Thence was dated and written a letter to the Queen s Majesty, 
according to the former purpose, which letter was directed with 
all diligence to the Queen s Majesty, who was then in Falkland. 
The Earl himself rode afterwards to Kinneil, to his father, 
the Duke s Grace. How he was treated, we have but the 
common bruit ; but thence he wrote another letter with his 
own hand, in cipher, to the Earl of Moray, complaining of his 
rigorous handling and treatment by his own father, and by his 
friends ; and affirming, farther, that he feared his life, in case 
he gat not speedy rescue. He did not rest there, but brake 
the chamber wherein he was put, and with great pain passed 
to Stirling, and thence he was convoyed to the Kailyards. 
There he was kept until the Earl of Moray came to him, and 
convoyed him to the Queen, who was then in Falkland. She 
was sufficiently instructed concerning the whole matter ; and, 
upon suspicion conceived, had ordered the apprehension of 
Master Gavin Hamilton and the Earl Bothwell. They, know 
ing nothing of what had passed, came to Falkland, and this 
augmented the former suspicion. 

The letters of John Knox, however, ensured that 

Snzy of a ^- things were done the more circumspectly ; for he 

Shiran, did plainly forewarn the Earl of Moray that he espied 

the Earl of Arran to be stricken with frenzy, and 

therefore would not have too ^reat credit given to his words 

O o 

and inventions. And so it came to pass ; for within few days 
the Earl s sickness increased ; he devised of wondrous signs 
that he saw in the heaven ; and, finally, he behaved himself in 
all things so foolishly that his frenzy could not be hid. 
Nevertheless, the Earl Bothwell and the Abbot of Kilwinning 
were detained in the Castle of St. Andrews, and convened 
before the Council, with the Earl of Arran, who ever stood 
firm in alleging that the Earl Bothwell proponed to him such 
things as he had advertised the Queen s Grace of. He stiffly 
denied that his father, the said Abbot, or his friends, knew 
anything of the matter, or that they intended any violence 


against him ; and alleged that he had been enchanted so to 
think and write. Thereat the Queen, highly offended, com 
mitted him to prison with the other two, first in the Castle of 
St. Andrews, and thereafter in the Castle of Edinburgh. . . . 

Things put in order in Fife, the Queen returned to 
reproves Edinburgh, and then began dancing to grow hot ; for 
her friends began to triumph in France. Sure in 
formation of this came to the ears of John Knox, for there 
were some that showed to him the state of things from time 
to time. He was assured that the Queen had danced excess 
ively until after midnight, because she had received letters 
informing her that persecution was renewed in France, and 
that her uncles were beginning to stir their tail, and to trouble 
the whole realm of France. Upon occasion of this text, 
" And now understand, ye kings, and be learned, ye that 
judge the earth," he began to tax the ignorance, the vanity, 
and the despite of princes against all virtue, and against 
all those in whom hatred of vice and love of virtue appeared. 

Eeport of this sermon was made unto the Queen, 

"mmoned an ^ John Knox was sent for. Mr. Alexander 
Q e ueen. the Cockburn, of Ormiston, who had formerly been his 
scholar, and then was very familiar with him, was the 
messenger, and gave him some knowledge both of the report 
and of the reporters. The Queen was in her bedchamber, and 
witli her, besides the ladies and the common servants, were 
the Lord James, the Earl Morton, Secretary Lethington, and 
some of the guard that had made the report. He was called, 
and accused of having spoken irreverently of the Queen, of 
travailing to bring her into the hatred and contempt of the 
people, and of exceeding the bounds of his text. Upon these 
three heads, the Queen herself made a long harangue or 
oration ; to which the said John answered as follows : 

" Madam, this is oftentimes the just recompense 
states K his Xwmcl1 ( * 0( 1 givetli to the stubborn of the world. 
Because they will not hear God speaking for the 
comfort of the penitent, and the amendment of the 
wicked, they are oft compelled to hear the false report 
of others to their greater displeasure. I doubt not but that it 

256 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

came to the ears of proud Herod that our Master Christ Jesus 
called him fox ; but they told him not how odious a thing it 
was before God to murder an innocent, as he had lately done 
before, causing John the Baptist to be beheaded, to reward the 
dancing of a harlot s daughter. Madam, if the reporters of 
my words had been honest men, they would have reported my 
words, and the circumstances of the same. But, because they 
would have credit in Court, and lack virtue worthy thereof, 
they must have somewhat to please your Majesty, if it were 
but flattery and lies. If your Grace take any pleasure in such 
persons, it will turn to your everlasting displeasure. Madam, 
had your own ears heard the whole matter that I entreated, 
ye could not justly have been offended with anything that I 
spake, if there be in you any sparkle of the Spirit of God, yea, 
of honesty or wisdom. Ye have heard their report ; may it 
please your Grace to hear myself rehearse the sermon, as 
nearly as memory will serve. 

"My text, Madam, was this, And now, kings, under 
stand ; be learned, ye judges of the earth. After, Madam, I 
had declared the dignity of kings and rulers, the honour in 
which God has placed them, and the obedience that is due 
unto them, as God s lieutenants, I demanded this : But, alas ! 
what account shall the most part of princes make before that 
Supreme Judge, whose throne and authority so manifestly and 
shamefully they abuse ? This day is most true the complaint 
of Solomon that violence and oppression do occupy the throne 
of God here in this earth : murderers, bloodthirsty men, 
oppressors, and malefactors dare be bold to present themselves 
before kings and princes, and the poor saints of God are 
banished and exiled. What shall we say, but that the Devil 
hath taken possession of the throne of God, which ought to 
be fearful to all wicked doers, and a refuge to the innocent 
oppressed. How can it be otherwise ? Princes will not 
understand ; they will not be taught as God commands them. 
God s law they despise, His statutes and holy ordinances they 
will not understand ; they are more exercised in fiddling and 
flinging than in reading or hearing God s most blessed Word ; 
and fiddlers and flatterers, who commonly corrupt youth, are 


more precious in their eyes than are men of wisdom and 
gravity, who might, by wholesome admonition, beat down 
in them some part of that vanity and pride wherein all are 
born, but in princes taketh deep root and strength by wicked 

Of " Of dancing, Madam, I said that, albeit in the 

Dancing:. Scriptures I found no praise of it, and in profane 
writers that it is termed the gesture rather of those that 
are mad and in frenzy than of sober men ; yet do I not utterly 
condemn it, providing that two vices be avoided. Firstly, the 
principal vocation of those that use that exercise must not 
be neglected for the pleasure of dancing; secondly, they 
may not dance, as did the Philistines their fathers, for the 
pleasure that they take in the displeasure of God s people. 
If they do either, they shall receive the reward of dancers, 
and that will be drink in hell, unless they speedily repent, 
and so shall God turn their mirth into sudden sorrow. God 
will not always afflict His people, nor will He always wink 
at the tyranny of tyrants. If any man, Madam, will say 
that I spake more, let him presently accuse me ; for I think 
I have not only touched the sum, but the very words as I 
spake them." Many that stood by bare witness with him 
that he had recited the very words that he had spoken 

The Queen looked about to some of the reporters, and 
said, " Your words are sharp enough as ye have spoken them ; 
but yet they were told to me in another manner. I know 
that my uncles and ye are not of one religion, and therefore 
I cannot blame you, albeit you have no good opinion of them. 
But if ye hear anything of myself that mislikes you, come 
to myself and tell me, and I shall hear you." 

" Madam," quoth he, " I am assured that your uncles are 
enemies to God, and unto His Son, Jesus Christ; and that, 
for maintenance of their own pomp and worldly glory, they 
spare not to spill the blood of many innocents. I am therefore 
assured that their enterprises shall have no better success than 
have had others that before them have done what they do 
now. But as to your own personage, Madam, I would be 


258 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

glad to do all that I could for your Grace s contentment, 
provided that I exceed not the bounds of my vocation. I 
am called, Madam, to a public function within the Kirk of 
God, and am appointed by God to rebuke the sins and vices 
of all. I am not appointed to come to every man in particular 
to show him his offence ; that labour were infinite. If your 
Grace will please to frequent the public sermons, I doubt not 
but that ye shall fully understand both what I like and mislike, 
as well in your Majesty as in all others. Or, if your Grace 
will assign unto me a certain day and hour when it will please 
you to hear the form and substance of doctrine which is 
proponed in public to the churches of this realm, I will most 
gladly await upon your Grace s pleasure, time, and place. But 
to wait upon your chamber door, or elsewhere, and then to 
have no farther liberty than to whisper my mind in your 
Grace s ear, or to tell you what others think and speak of 
you, neither will my conscience nor the vocation whereto God 
hath called me suffer it. For, albeit at your Grace s com 
mandment I am here now, I cannot tell what other men shall 
judge of me, when they learn that at this time of day I am 
absent from my book, and waiting upon the Court." 

" You will not always," said she, " be at your book," and 
so turned her back. John Knox departed with a reasonably 
merry countenance. Some Papists, offended at this, said, " He 
is not afraid." Hearing this, he answered, " Why should the 
pleasing face of a gentlewoman affright me ? I have looked 
in the faces of many angry men, and yet have not been afraid, 
above measure." And so left he the Queen and the Court 
for that time. 

In the meantime, the negotiation and credit was 
ne h goatl" g reat betwixt the Queen of England and our Sovereign : 
England, letters, couriers, and posts ran very frequently. There 
was great bruit of an interview and meeting of the 
two Queens at York, and some preparations were made for this 
in both the realms. But it failed upon the part of England, 
and that by occasion of the troubles moved in France, as was 
alleged. These caused the Queen and her Council to remain 
in the south parts of England, to avoid inconvenience. 


That Summer, there came an Ambassador from 
o?!wd&ii th e King of Sweden, requiring marriage of our 
$Ja?riiy e Sovereign to his master the King. His entertain- 
McSy een men t was honourable ; but our Queen liked not his 

petition. Such a man was too base for her estate ; 
had not she been great Queen of France ? Fie, of Sweden I 
What is it ? But happy was the man that was forsaken of 
such an one. And yet she did not refuse one who was far 
inferior to a virtuous king. 

The Earl of Moray made a privy raid to Hawick 
Tndt?e eenu P on the fair-day, and apprehended fifty thieves; of 
Moray*, ^his number seventeen were drowned; others were 

executed in Jedburgh. The principals were brought 
to Edinburgh, and there suffered, according to their merits, 
upon the Borough Muir. The Queen was not content with 
the prosperity and good success that God gave to the Earl 
of Moray in all his enterprises, for she hated his upright 
dealing, and the image of God which did evidently appear 
in him; but at that time she could not well have been 
served without him. 

At the Assembly of the Kirk at Midsummer, on 
General the 29th of June 1562, many notable points were 
funes6z. discussed concerning good order in the Church ; for 

the Papists and the idolatry of the Queen began to 
trouble the former good orders. . . . The tenor of the sup 
plication read in open audience, and approved by the whole 
Assembly to be presented to the Queen s Majesty, was this : 
" Having in mind that fearful sentence, pronounced 
ioS" by the Eternal God against the watchmen that see 
to e the nte the sword of God s punishment approach, and do not 

in plain words forewarn the people, yea, the princes 
and rulers, that they may repent, we cannot but signify unto 
your Highness, and unto your Council, that the state of this 
realm is such, at this present time, that unless redress and 
remedy be shortly provided, God s hand cannot long spare 
in His anger, to strike the head and the tail ; the inobedient 
prince and sinful people. For, as God is unchangeable and 
true, so must He punish in these our days the grievous sins 

260 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

that we read He has punished in all ages, after He has long 
called for repentance, and none is shown. 

" That your Grace and Council may understand what be 
the things we desire to be reformed, we will begin at that 
which we assuredly know to be the fountain and spring of 
all other evils that now abound in this realm, to wit, that 
idol and bastard service of God, the Mass ; the fountain, we 
call it, of all impiety, not only because many take boldness 
to sin by reason of the opinion which they have conceived 
of that idol, to wit, that by the virtue of it, they get remission 
of their sins ; but also that, under colour of the Mass, whores, 
adulterers, drunkards, blasphemers of God and of His holy 
Word and Sacraments, and such other manifest malefactors, 
are maintained and defended : for, let any Mass-sayer, or 
earnest maintainer thereof, be deprehended in any of the 
forenamed crimes, no execution can be had, for all is said to 
be done in hatred of his religion; and so are wicked men 
permitted to live wickedly, cloaked and protected by that 
odious idol. But, supposing the Mass were occasion of no 
such evils, yet in itself it is so odious in God s presence that 
we cannot cease, with all instance, to desire the removing of 
the same, as well from yourself as from all others within this 
realm, taking heaven and earth, yea, and your own conscience, 
to record that the obstinate maintenance of that idol shall 
in the end be to you destruction of soul and body. 

" If your Majesty demand why we are more earnest now 
than we have been heretofore ; we answer (our former silence 
nowise excused) that it is because we find ourselves frustrated 
of our hope and expectation ; which was that, in process of 
time, your Grace s heart should have been mollified, so far as 
to have heard the public doctrine taught within this realm; 
by which, our farther hope was, God s Holy Spirit should 
so have moved your heart, that ye should have suffered your 
religion, which before God is nothing but abomination and 
vanity, to have been tried by the true touchstone, the written 
Word of God; and that your Grace finding it to have no 
ground or foundation in the same, should have given such 
glory unto God that ye would have preferred His truth unto 


your own preconceived vain opinion, of whatever antiquity it 
has been. Of this we in a part are now discouraged and can 
no longer keep silence, unless we would make ourselves 
criminal before God of your blood, perishing in your own 
iniquities; for we plainly admonish you of the dangers to 

" The second that we require is punishment of horrible vices, 
such as are adultery, fornication, open whoredom, blasphemy, 
and contempt of God, of His Word and of His Sacraments ; 
vices which, in this realm, for lack of punishment, do even now 
so abound that sin is reputed to be no sin. And, therefore, as 
we see the present signs of God s wrath manifestly appear, so 
do we forewarn that He will strike, before long, if His law be 
permitted thus manifestly to be contemned, without punish 
ment. If any object, that punishment cannot be commanded 
to be executed without a Parliament; we answer that the 
Eternal God in His Parliament has pronounced death to be 
the punishment for adultery and for blasphemy. If ye put not 
His acts to execution, seeing that kings are but His lieutenants, 
having no power to give life where He commands death, He 
will repute you, and all others that foster vice, patrons of 
impiety, and He will not fail to punish you for neglecting 
His judgments. 

" Our third request concerneth the poor, who be of three 
sorts; the poor labourers of the ground; the poor desolate 
beggars, orphans, widows, and strangers ; and the poor ministers 
of the holy Evangel of Christ Jesus, who are all so cruelly 
treated by this last pretended order taken for sustentation of 
ministers, that their latter misery far surmounteth the former. 
For now the poor labourers of the ground are so oppressed by 
the cruelty of those that pay their Third, that they for the most 
part advance upon the poor, whatsoever they pay to the Queen, 
or to any other. As for the very indigent and poor, to whom 
God commands a sustentation to be provided from the teinds, 
they are so despised that it is a wonder that the sun giveth 
light and heat to the earth, where God s name is so frequently 
called upon, and no mercy, according to His commandment, is 
shown to His creatures. And also for the ministers, their 

262 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

livings are so appointed that the most part shall live but a 
beggar s life. And all cometh of impiety, that the idle bellies 
of Christ s enemies must be fed with their former delicacies. 

" We dare not conceal from your Grace and Honours the 
burden of our conscience, which is this, that neither by the 
law of God, nor by any just law of man, is anything due to 
them who now most cruelly do exact of the poor and rich the 
Two-part of their benefices, as they call it. 

" Therefore we most humbly require that some other order 
may be taken with them, and that they be not set up again to 
empire above the people of God, or above any subject within 
this realm. For we fear that such usurpation to their former 
estate shall be in the end neither pleasing to themselves, nor 
profitable to them that would place them in that tyranny. If 
any think that a competent living should be assigned to them, 
we repugn not, provided that the labourers of the ground be 
not oppressed, the poor be not utterly neglected, the ministers 
of the Word be not so sharply treated as they now are, and, 
finally, that those idle bellies, who by law can crave nothing, 
shall confess that they receive their sustentation, not as a 
matter of debt, but as of benevolence. Our humble request is, 
therefore, that some speedy order may be taken that the poor 
labourers may find some relief, and that in every parish some 
portion of the teinds may be assigned to the sustentation of 
the poor within the same ; and likewise that some public relief 
may be provided for the poor within burghs ; that collectors 
may be appointed to gather, and that sharp account may be 
taken, as well of their receipts as of their disbursements. The 
farther consideration to be had towards our ministers, we in 
some part remit to your wisdoms, and to their particular com 

" Our fourth petition is for the manses, yards, and glebes, 
justly appertaining to the ministers, without which it is im 
possible for them quietly to serve their charges ; and therefore 
we desire order to be taken therein without delay. 

" Our fifth concerneth the inobedience of certain wicked 
persons, who not only trouble, and have troubled ministers in 
their functions, but also disobey the superintendents in their 


visitation. Of this we humbly crave remedy ; not so much for 
any fear that we and our ministers have of the Papists, but for 
the love that we bear to the common tranquillity. For we 
cannot hide from your Majesty and Council that, if the Papists 
think to triumph where they may, and to do what they list, 
where there is not a party able to resist them, some will think 
that they must begin where they left off. Heretofore they 
have borne all things patiently, in hope that laws should have 
bridled the wicked. If they be frustrated in this, albeit nothing 
is more odious to them than tumults and domestic discord, men 
will attempt the uttermost, before they behold with their own 
eyes the demolition of that House of God, which with travail 
and danger God hath within this realm erected by them. 

" Lastly, we desire that such as have received remission of 
their Third be compelled to sustain the ministry within their 
bounds, else we forewarn your Grace and Council that we fear 
that the people will retain the whole in their hands, until such 
time as their ministry shall be sufficiently provided. We 
farther desire that the kirks be repaired according to an Act 
set forth by the Lords of Secret Council, before your Majesty s 
arrival in this country ; that judges be appointed to hear the 
causes of divorcement, for the Kirk can no longer sustain 
that burden, especially since there is no punishment for the 
offenders; that sayers and hearers of Mass, profaners of the 
Sacraments, such as have entered into benefices by the Pope s 
bulls, and other such transgressors of the law made at your 
Grace s arrival within this realm, may be severely punished ; 
else men will think that there is no truth meant in the making 
of such laws. 

" Farther, we most humbly desire of your Grace and honour 
able Council a resolute answer to every one of the heads fore- 
written, that, the same being known, we may somewhat satisfy 
such as are grievously offended at manifest iniquity now main 
tained, at oppression under pretext of law done against the 
poor, and at the rebellious disobedience of many wicked persons 
against God s Word and holy ordinance. 

" God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, so rule your 
hearts, and direct your Grace and Council s judgments by the 

264 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

dy ttament l and illumination of His Holy Spirit, that ye may so 
answer that your consciences may be absolved in the presence 
of that righteous Judge, the Lord Jesus ; and then we doubt not 
but that ye yourselves shall find felicity, and this poor realm, 
that long has been oppressed by wicked men, shall enjoy 
tranquillity and rest, with the true knowledge of God." 

These things were read in public Assembly, and 
Lethfngton a PP rove d by all. Some wished that more sharpness 
the e Te S rms na( ^ ^ een use d, because the time so craved. But the 
" monsieurs of the Court, and Secretary Lethington 
above others, could not abide such hard speaking ; 
" For who ever saw it written," said he, " to a prince, that God 
would strike the head and the tail, or that, if Papists did what 
they should list, men would begin where they had left off 1 " 
Above all others, it was most offensive that the Queen was 
accused as if she would raise up Papists and Papistry again. 
To put that into the people s head was no less than treason ; 
for oaths durst be made that she never meant such a 

It was answered that the Prophet Isaiah used such manner 
of speaking; and there was no doubt but that he was well 
acquainted in the Court, for it was supposed that he was of 
the King s stock. Howsoever it was, his words make manifest 
that he spake to the Court and courtiers, to judges, ladies, 
princes and priests. And yet, says he, " The Lord shall cut 
away the head and the tail," etc. "And so," said the first 
writer, " I find that such a phrase was used once before. If it 
offend you that we say, Men must begin where they left off, 5 
in case the Papists do as they do; we would desire you to 
teach us, not so much how we shall speak, but rather what we 
shall do when our ministers are stricken, our superintendents 
are disobeyed, and a plain rebellion is decreed against all good 

" Complain," said Lethington. " Whom to ? " said the 
other. "To the Queen s Majesty," said he. "How long 
shall we do so?" quoth the whole. "Till ye get remedy," 
said the Justice Clerk: "give me their names, and I shall 

1 Dictation ; guidance. 


give you letters." " If the sheep," said one, " shall complain 
to the wolf that the wolves and whelps have devoured their 
lambs, the complainer may stand in danger ; but the offender, 
we fear, shall have liberty to hunt after his prey." " Such 
comparisons," said Lethington, "are very unsavoury; for I am 
assured that the Queen will neither erect nor yet maintain 
Papistry." " Let your assurance," said another, " serve your 
self ; it cannot assure us ; for her manifest proceedings speak 
the contrary." 

After such taunting reasoning on both sides, the multitude 
concluded that the supplication, as it was conceived, should be 
presented ; unless the Secretary would form one more agree 
able to the present necessity. He promised to keep the 
substance of ours, but said he would use other terms, and 
ask things in a more genteel manner. The first writer 
answered that he served the Kirk at their commandment, and 
was content that with his dictament men should use the liberty 
that best pleased them, provided that he was not compelled to 
subscribe to the flattery of such as regarded the persons of 
men and women more than the simple truth of God. So this 
former supplication was given to be reformed as Lethington s 
wisdom thought best. And in very deed he so framed it that, 
when it was delivered by the Superintendents of Lothian and 
Fife, and when the Queen had read somewhat of it, she said, 
" Here are many fair words : I cannot tell what the hearts 
are." For our painted oratory, we were termed the next name 
to flatterers and dissemblers; but, for that session, the Kirk 
received no other answer. . . . 

The interview and meeting of the two Queens 
visi e ts Q the en being delayed until the next year, our Sovereign took 
Papist purpose to visit the north, and departed from Stirling 
intrigues. ^ ^ month of August. Whether there was any 
secret paction and confederacy betwixt the Papists in the 
south and the Earl of Huntly and his Papists in the north ; 
or, to speak more plainly, betwixt the Queen herself and 
Huntly, we cannot certainly say. But the suspicions were 
wondrously vehement that there was no good-will borne to 
the Earl of Moray, nor yet to such as depended upon him 

266 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

at that time. The history we shall faithfully declare, and 
leave the judgment to the reader. . . . 

The Queen and Court remained at Aberdeen certain days, to 
deliberate upon the affairs of the country ; and some began to 
smell that the Earl of Huntly was under gathering. 1 While 
things were so working in the north, the Earl Bothwell brake 
his ward, and came forth from the Castle of Edinburgh on the 
28th of August. Some say that he broke the stanchions of the 
window ; others whispered that he got easy passage by the gates. 
One thing is certain ; the Queen was little offended at his escap 
ing. The said Earl showed himself not very much afraid, for 
his common residence was in Lothian. The Archbishop of St. 
Andrews and Abbot of Crossraguel kept secret convention at that 
same time in Paisley, and to them resorted divers Papists; yea, 
the said Archbishop spake with the Duke, and unto him came 
also the Lord Gordon from the Earl of Huntly, requiring him 
" to put to his hands in the south, as he should do in the north ; 
and Knox s crying or preaching should not stay that purpose." 
The Archbishop, let him be never so close, could not altogether 
hide his mind, but at his own table said, " The Queen is gone 
into the north, belike to seek disobedience : she may perchance 
find the thing that she seeks." It was constantly affirmed that 
the Earl Bothwell and the said Lord Gordon spake together, 
but of their purpose we heard no mention. 

The same year, and at that instant time, Commis- 
ia h rn S Kn x s i ners were appointed by the General Assembly. To 
testants Carrick and Cunningham, Master George Hay was 
sent, and he, for the space of a month, preached with 
great fruit in all the churches of Carrick. To Kyle, and to 
the parts of Galloway, John Knox was appointed. Besides 
showing the doctrine of the Evangel to the common people, 
John Knox forewarned some of the nobility and Barons 
of the dangers that he feared, and that were apparently to 
follow shortly; and he exhorted them to put themselves in 
order, so that they might be able to serve the authority, and 
yet not to suffer the enemies of God s truth to have the upper 
hand. Thereupon, a great part of the Barons and Gentlemen 

1 That is, his clansmen were being mobilised. 


of Kyle and Cunningham and Carrick, professing the true 
doctrine of the Evangel, assembled at Ayr. 
A Bond is After exhortations made and conference held, these 
again sub- subscribed a bond to maintain and assist the preach 
ing of God s holy Evangel, then, of His mere mercy, 
offered to this realm; and also the ministers thereof against 
all persons, power, and authority, that would oppose them 
selves to the doctrine proponed, and by them received. And 
farther, with the same solemnity, it was protested and pro 
mised, that every one should assist others, yea, the whole body 
of the Protestants within the realm, in all lawful and just 
actions, against all persons ; so that whosoever should hurt, 
molest, or trouble any of our body, should be reputed enemy 
to the whole, unless the offender were content to submit 
himself to the judgment of the Kirk, as established amongst 
us. ... 

These things done at Ayr, the said John passed to Niths- 
dale and Galloway, and there, in conference with the Master 
of Maxwell, a man of great judgment and experience, he com 
municated such things as he feared. Upon his suggestion, the 
Master wrote to the Earl Bothwell, enjoining him to behave 
himself as became a faithful subject, and to keep good quiet 
ness in the parts committed to his charge, for so would the 
crime of his breaking ward be the more easily pardoned. John 
Knox wrote to the Duke s Grace, and earnestly exhorted him 
neither to give ear to the Archbishop, his bastard brother, nor 
yet to the persuasion of the Earl of Huntly; for if he did, 
he assured him, he and his house should come to a sudden 

By such means the south parts were kept in reason- 

The Result . , . , , , . , , , , 

of John able quietness, during the time that the troubles were 
Labours in in brewing in the north. And yet the Archbishop 
and the Abbot of Crossraguel did what in them lay 
to raise some trouble. Besides the fearful bruits that they 
sparsed abroad, sometimes that the Queen was taken ; some 
times that the Earl of Moray and all his band were slain; 
and sometimes that the Queen had given herself to the 
Earl of Huntly, besides such bruits, the Archbishop, to 

268 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

disturb the country of Kyle, where quietness was greatest, 
raised the Crawfords against the Reids for payment of the 
Archbishop s Pasch fines ; but that was stayed by the labours 
of indifferent men, who favoured peace. 

The Abbot of Crossraguel requested an oppor- 
Abbotof tunity to dispute with John Knox as to the main- 
raeuei and tenance of the Mass. This was granted to him, and 
x debate was held in Maybole during three days. The 
Abbot had the advantage that he required ; to wit, he took upon 
him to prove that Melchisedec offered bread and wine to God, 
and this was the ground upon which was founded the argu 
ment that the Mass was a sacrifice, etc. But, in the travail 
of three days, no proof could be produced for Melchisedec s 
oblation, as in the disputation (which is to be had in print) 
may clearly appear. The Papists constantly looked for a 
wolter, 1 and therefore made some brag of reasoning. The 
Abbot further presented himself in the pulpit, but the voice 
of Master George Hay so affrighted him, that, after one 
attempt, he wearied of that exercise. 

Th After the Queen was somewhat satisfied of hunting 

of the Eari and other pastime, she came to Aberdeen. There the 
Earl of Huntly and his Lady met her with no small 
train. He remained in Court, was supposed to have the 
greatest credit, departed with the Queen to Buchan, and met 
her again at Eothiemay, expecting that she would accompany 
him to Strathbogie. But, in the journey, certain word came 
to her that John Gordon 2 had broken promise in not re-entering 
into ward ; for his father the Earl had promised that he should 
again enter within the Castle of Stirling, and there abide the 
Queen s pleasure. But, with or without his father s know 
ledge and consent, he refused to enter ; and this so offended 
the Queen that she would not go to Strathbogie, but passed 
through Strathisla to Inverness, where the Castle was denied 
to her. The captain had command to keep it, and looked 

1 Overturn. 

2 Sir John Gordon, of Findlater, second son of the Earl of Huntly. Con 
fined in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, for a murderous attack upon Lord Ogilvy 
of Airly in a quarrel concerning property, he had broken ward. ED. 


for relief which John of Gordon had promised; but, being 
frustrated in this, the Castle was surrendered. The captain, 
named Gordon, was executed ; the rest were condemned, and 
the hands of some were bound, but these escaped. This was 
the beginning of further trouble ; for the Earl of Huntly was 
offended, and began to assemble his folks, sparing not to say 
that he would be revenged. 1 . . . 

Upon the morrow after the discomfiture, the Lady 
Eari of Forbes, a woman both wise and fearing God, came 

amongst many others to visit the corpse of the said 
Earl; and seeing him lie upon the cold stones, having only 
upon him a doublet of canvas, a pair of Scottish grey hose, 
and a covering of arras-work, she said, " What stability 
shall we judge to be in this world : there lieth he that 
yesterday morning was holden the wisest, the richest, and a 
man of greatest power within Scotland." In very deed, she 
lied not ; for, in man s opinion, under a prince, there was not 
such a one produced in this realm these three hundred years. 
But felicity and worldly wisdom so blinded him that in the 
end he perished in them, as shall all those that despise God 
and trust in themselves. . . . 

The Earl of Moray sent word of the marvellous 
Q^en s victory to the Queen, and humbly prayed her to show 
5fth?he S obedience to God and publicly to convene with them, 
Mora f ^ i ye thanks to God for His notable deliverance. 

She gloomed at the messenger and at the request, and 
scarcely would give a good word or blithe countenance to any 
that she knew to be earnest favourers of the Earl Moray, 
whose prosperity was, and yet is, to her boldened heart, a very 
venom against him for his godliness and upright plainness. 
For many days she bare no better countenance ; and thereby 
it might have been evidently espied that she rejoiced not 
greatly in the success of that matter ; and, albeit she caused 
John Gordon and divers others to be executed, it was the 
destruction of others that she sought. 

1 He was denounced as a traitor. With a following of eight hundred men, 
he encountered the Earl of Moray and the Queen s forces outside Aberdeen, and 
was defeated and slain at the battle of Corrichie. ED. 

270 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

In the meantime, there was much trouble in 
concerning France ; and the intelligence and outward familiarity 
Queen s betwixt the two Queens was great. Lethington was 
directed with large commission both to the Queen of 
England and to the Gruisians. The marriage of our Queen 
was in every man s mouth. Some would have Spain ; some the 
Emperor s brother ; some Lord Eobert Dudley ; some the Duke 
de Nemours ; and some unhappily guessed at the Lord Darnley. 
We know not what Lethington s credit was ; but, shortly after, 
there began to be much talk of the Earl of Lennox, and of his 
son, the Lord Darnley. It was said that Lethington spake with 
the Lady Margaret Douglas, and that Eobert Melvin received a 
horse, for the Secretary s use, from the Earl of Lennox or from 
his wife. Howsoever it was, Master Fowler, servant to the said 
Earl, came with letters to the Queen s Grace, and licence was 
permitted to the Earl of Lennox to come to Scotland, to travail 
in his lawful business. On the day that the licence was 
granted, the Secretary said, " This day have I incurred the 
deadly hatred of all the Hamiltons within Scotland, and have 
done them no less displeasure than had I cutted their throats." 

The Earl Bothwell, who had broken ward, fearing 

The Queen , , . . 

and Eari apprehension, prepared to pass to France: but, by 

Bothwell. , f . . -n , , J 

storm of weather, he was driven into England, where 
he was stayed, and the Queen of England offered to surrender 
him. But our Queen answered that he was no rebel, and 
requested that he should have liberty to pass whither it 
pleased him. In this, Lethington helped not a little; for 
he travailed to have friends in every faction of the Court. 
Thus the said Earl obtained licence to pass to France. 

The Court remained for the most part in Edin- 
Preachers burgh, during the winter after the death of the Earl 
the" 10 3 of Huntly. The preachers were wondrously vehement 

in reprehension of all manner of vice, which then 
began to abound; and especially avarice, oppression of the 
poor, excess, riotous cheer, banqueting, immoderate dancing, 
and the whoredom that ensues. The courtiers began to storm, 
and to pick quarrels against the preachers, alleging that all 
their preaching was turned to railing. 


One of them gave answer as follows : " It conies to our 
ears that we are called railers. Albeit we wonder, we are not 
ashamed. The most worthy servants of God that before us 
have travailed in this vocation have so been styled. But the 
same God, who from the beginning has punished the contempt 
of His Word, and has poured forth His vengeance upon such 
proud mockers, shall not spare you ; yea, He shall not spare 
you before the eyes of this same wicked generation, for whose 
pleasure ye despise all wholesome admonitions. 

" Have ye not seen a greater than any of you sitting where 
presently ye sit, pick his nails and pull down his bonnet over 
his eyes, when idolatry, witchcraft, murder, oppression, and 
such vices were rebuked ? Was not his common talk, When 
these knaves have railed their fill, will they then hold their 
peace ? Have ye not heard it affirmed to his own face 
that God should revenge his blasphemy, even in the eyes of 
such as were witnesses to his iniquity ? Then was the Earl 
of Huntly accused by you as the maintainer of idolatry, 
and the only hinderer of all good order. Him has God 
punished, even according to the threatenings that his and 
your ears heard ; and by your hands hath God executed His 

" But what amendment in any case can be espied in you ? 
Idolatry was never in greater rest : virtue and virtuous men 
were never in more contempt : vice w r as never more bold, never 
did it less fear punishment. And yet, who guides the Queen 
and Court ? Who but the Protestants ? horrible slanderers 
of God, and of His holy Evangel. Better it were for you 
plainly to renounce Christ Jesus, than thus to expose His 
blessed Evangel to mockage. If God do not punish you, so 
that this same age shall see and behold your punishment, the 
Spirit of righteous judgment guides me not." . . . 

At the General Assembly of the Church, holden 
General ^ ne twenty-fifth of December, the year of God 1562, 
Assembly : g rea C0 mplaints were made that churches lacked 
December mm i s t ers ; that ministers lacked their stipends ; that 
wicked men were permitted to be schoolmasters, 
and so to infect the youth. One, Master Eobert Cumin, 

272 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

schoolmaster in Arbroath, was complained upon by the Laird 
of Dim, and sentence was pronounced against him. It was 
farther complained that idolatry was erected in divers parts 
of the realm; and some thought that new supplication for 
redress should be presented to the Queen s Grace. Others 
demanded, What answer was received on the former occasion ? 
The Superintendent of Lothian confessed the deliverance of it. 
" But," said he, " I received no answer." It was answered on 
behalf of the Queen for her supporters were ever there 
that it was well known to the whole realm what troubles had 
occurred since the last Assembly ; and, therefore, that they 
should not wonder that the Queen had not answered: but 
they doubted not but that order would be taken betwixt that 
and the Parliament which was appointed for May, and 
all men should have occasion to stand content. This satisfied 
the whole Assembly for that time. And this was the practice 
of the Queen and of her Council to drive time with fair 
words. . . . 

The Papists, at Easter, 1563, had erected that 
Stants idol, the Mass, in divers parts of the realm ; amongst 
idoiaTers these being the Archbishop of St. Andrews, the Prior 
Mass he f Whithorn, with divers others of their faction. . . . 
The brethren, universally offended, and espying that 
the Queen did but mock them by her proclamations, deter 
mined to put to their own hands, and to punish for example to 
others. So some priests in the West-land were apprehended, 
and intimation was made by the brethren to others, as to the 
Abbot of Crossraguel, the Parson of Sanquhar, and such, that 
they should not proceed by complaint to Queen or Council, 
but should execute the punishment that God, in His Law, had 
appointed to idolaters, by such means as they might, wherever 
these should be apprehended. 

The Queen stormed at such freedom of speaking, but she 
could not amend it ; for the spirit of God, of boldness, and of 
wisdom, had not then left the most part of those whom God 
had used as instruments in the beginning. They were of one 
mind to maintain the truth of God, and to suppress idolatry. 
Particularities had not divided them ; and therefore could not 


the Devil, working in the Queen and Papists, then do what 
he would. 

The Queen began to invent a new craft. She sent 
Sl^and for John Knox to come to her at Lochleven. She 
Knox at travailed with him earnestly for two hours before her 
kgk- supper, seeking that he would be the instrument to 
persuade the people, and principally the gentlemen 
of the West, not to put hands to punish men for con 
ducting themselves in their religion as pleased them. The 
other, perceiving her craft, said that if her Grace would 
punish the malefactors according to the laws, he could 
promise quietness upon the part of all them that professed 
the Lord Jesus within Scotland. But, if her Majesty thought 
to delude the laws, he said he feared that some would let the 
Papists understand that they should not be suffered to offend 
God s Majesty so manifestly, without punishment. 

"Will ye," quoth she, "allow that they shall take my sword 
in their hand ? " 

" The sword of justice," quoth he, " Madam, is God s, and 
is given to princes and rulers for an end. If they transgress 
this, sparing the wicked, and oppressing innocents, they that, in 
the fear of God, execute judgment where God has commanded, 
do not offend God, although kings forbear ; nor do those sin 
that bridle kings from striking innocent men in their rage. 
The examples are evident; Samuel feared not to slay Agag, 
the fat and delicate king of Amalek, whom King Saul had 
saved. ... And so, Madam, your Grace may see that others 
than chief magistrates may lawfully punish, and have punished 
the vice and crimes that God commands to be punished. In 
the present case, I would earnestly pray your Majesty to take 
good advisement, and that your Grace should let the Papists 
understand that their attempts will not be suffered to go 
unpunished. For, by Act of Parliament, power is given to all 
judges to search for Mass -mongers, or the hearers of the same, 
within their own bounds, and to punish them according to the 
law. It shall therefore be profitable to your Majesty to consider 
what is the thing your Grace s subjects look to receive of your 
Majesty, and what it is that ye ought to do to them by mutual 

274 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

contract. They are only bound to obey you in God. Ye are 
bound to keep laws for them. Ye crave of them service ; they 
crave of you protection and defence against wicked doers. 
Now, Madam, if ye shall deny your duty to those who 
especially crave that ye shall punish malefactors, think ye 
to receive full obedience of them ? I fear, Madam, ye shall 

Herewith the Queen, being somewhat offended, passed to 
her supper. John Knox left her, informed the Earl of Moray 
of the whole reasoning, and departed, of final purpose to return 
to Edinburgh, without any further communication with the 

But before sunrise, upon the morrow, two messengers were 
directed to him, commanding him not to depart until he spake 
with the Queen s Majesty. This he did, meeting her at the 
hawking be-west Kinross. Whether it was the night s sleep or 
a deep dissimulation locked in her breast that made her forget 
her former anger, wise men may doubt ; but concerning that 
she never moved word, and began divers other purposes, such 
as the offering of a ring to her by the Lord Kuthven. 

Queen. I cannot love Lord Kuthven, for I know him to 
use enchantment, and yet is he one of my Privy Council. 

Knox. Whom blames your Grace for that ? 

Queen. Lethington was the whole cause. 

Knox. That man is absent for the present, Madam ; and, 
therefore, I will say nothing on that subject. 

Queen. I understand that ye are appointed to go to 
Dumfries, for the election of a Superintendent to be estab 
lished in these countries. 

Knox. Yes, those quarters have great need, and some of 
the Gentlemen so require. 

Queen. But I hear that the Bishop of Athens would be 

Knox. He is one, Madam, that is put in election. 

Queen. If ye knew him as well as I do, ye would never 
promote him to that office, nor yet to any other within your 

Knox. What he has been, Madam, I neither know, nor 


yet will I inquire. In time of darkness, what could we do but 
grope and go wrong even as darkness carried us ? If he fear 
not God now, he deceives many more than me. And yet, 
Madam, I am assured that God will not suffer His Church to 
be so far deceived as that an unworthy man shall be elected, 
where free election is, and the Spirit of God is earnestly called 
upon to decide betwixt the two. 

Queen. Well, do as ye will, but that man is a dangerous 

Therein the Queen was not deceived ; for he had corrupted 
most part of the Gentlemen, not only to nominate him, but 
also to elect him. This perceived, the said John, Commissioner, 
delayed the election, and left Mr. Eobert Pont (who was put in 
election with the foresaid Bishop) with the Master of Maxwell, 
that his doctrine and conversation might be the better tried 
by those that had not known him before. So the Bishop was 
frustrated of his purpose, for that time. Yet was he, at that 
time, the man that was most familiar with the said John, in 
his house and at table. When the Queen had talked long 
with John Knox, he being oft willing to take his leave, she said, 
" I have to open unto you one of the greatest matters that 
have touched me since I came to this realm, and I must have 
your help in it." Then she began to make a long discourse 
concerning her sister, the Lady Argyll, how that she was not 
so circumspect in all things as she wished her to be. 

Queen. Yet, my Lord, her husband, whom I love, treats 
her not in many things so honestly and so godly, as I think 
ye yourself would require. 

Knox. Madam, I have been troubled with that matter 
before, and once I put such an end to it, before your Grace s 
arrival, that both she and her friends seemed fully to stand 
content. She herself promised before her friends that she 
should never complain to creature until I should first under 
stand their controversy by her own mouth or an assured 
messenger. I have heard nothing from her; and, therefore, 
I think there is nothing but concord. 

Queen. Well, it is worse than ye believe. Do this much 
for my sake, as once* again to put them at unity. If she 

276 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

behave not herself as she ought to do, she shall find no 
favours of me. But let not my Lord know in anywise what 
I have requested of you in this matter ; for I would be very 
sorry to offend him in that or any other thing. And now, 
as touching our reasoning yesternight, I promise to do as ye 
required. I shall cause all offenders to be summoned, and ye 
shall know that I shall minister justice. 

Knox. I am assured, then, that ye shall please God, and 
enjoy rest and tranquillity within your realm; and that is 
more profitable to your Majesty than all the Pope s power 
can be. 

And thus they parted. 

This conference we have inserted to let the world see how 
deeply Mary, Queen of Scotland, can dissemble ; and how she 
could cause men to think that she bare no indignation for any 
controversy in religion, while in her heart there was nothing 
but venom and destruction, as did appear shortly after. 

John Knox departed, and prepared himself for his 
w riteft n o OX J ourne y ^0 Dumfries; and from Glasgow, according 
Arg?n. rl f to the Queen s commandment, he wrote to the Earl 
of Argyll. . . . This letter was not well accepted by 
the said Earl ; and yet he uttered no part of his displeasure 
in public, but contrarily showed himself most familiar with 
the said John. He kept the diet at which the bishop and 
the rest of the Papists were accused, and sat in judgment 

The summonses were directed against the Mass- 
mongers mongers with expedition, and in the straitest form. 
The nineteenth day of May was appointed, a day 

only before the Parliament. Of the Pope s knights 
there compeared the Archbishop of St. Andrews, the Prior of 
Whithorn, the Parson of Sanquhar, William Hamilton of 
Cammiskeyth, John Gordon of Barskeocht, with divers others. 
The Protestants convened to crave for justice. The Queen 
asked counsel of the Bishop of Ptoss, and of the old Laird 
of Lethington (for the younger was absent, and so the 
Protestants had the fewer unfriends), and they affirmed that 
she must see her laws kept, or else she would get no 


obedience. So preparation was made for their accusations. 
The Archbishop, with his band of the exempted sort, made it 
nice l to enter before the Earl of Argyll, who sat in judgment ; 
but at last he was compelled to enter within the bar. A 
merry man who now sleeps in the Lord, Robert Norwell, 
instead of the Bishop s cross, bare before him a steel hammer. 
The Archbishop and his band were not a little offended at 
this, because the bishops privileges were not then current 
in Scotland, which day God grant our posterity may see of 
longer continuance than we possessed it. The Archbishop 
and his fellows, after much ado, and long drift of time, came 
within the Queen s will, and were committed to ward, some to 
one place, some to another. The Lady Erskine, a sweet morsel 
for the Devil s mouth, got the bishops for her part. 

All this was done in a most deep craft, to abuse 
of May the simplicity of the Protestants, so that they should 
not press the Queen with any other thing concerning 
matter of religion at that Parliament, which began within two 
days thereafter. She obtained of the Protestants whatsoever 
she desired ; for thus reasoned many, " We see what the 
Queen has done ; the like of this was never heard of within 
the realm : we will bear with the Queen ; we doubt not but 
all shall be well." Others were of a contrary judgment, and 
forespake things as they afterwards came to pass. They said 
that nothing was meant but deceit ; and that the Queen, as 
soon as ever Parliament was past, would set the Papists at 
freedom. They therefore urged the Nobility not to be abused. 
But because many had their private commodity to be handled 
at that Parliament, the common cause was the less regarded. 

Such stinking pride of women as was seen at that 
Mys Parliament was never seen before in Scotland. Three 

" n yox nce sundry days the Queen rode to the Tolbooth. On the 
first day she made a painted oration ; and there might 
have been heard among her flatterers, " Vox Dianae ! the 
voice of a goddess, and not of a woman ! God save that sweet 
face ! Was there ever orator that spake so properly and so 
sweetly ! " 

1 Made scruple. 

278 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

All things misliking the preachers, they spake 
tion is boldly against the targetting of their tails, 1 and against 
by personal the rest of the vanity of those foolish women. This 
they affirmed should provoke God s vengeance, not 
only against them, but against the whole realm ; and especially 
against those that maintained them in that odious abusing of 
things that might have been better bestowed. Articles were 
presented, proposing to Parliament that order be taken in 
regard to apparel, and for reformation of other enormities; 
but all was scripped at. The Earldom of Moray needed 
confirmation, and many things that concerned the help of 
friends and servants were to be ratified, and therefore they 
might not urge the Queen. If they did so, she would hold 
no Parliament; and what then should become of them that 
had melled 2 with the slaughter of the Earl of Huntly ? Let 
that Parliament pass over, and when the Queen asked any 
thing of the Nobility, as she must do before her marriage, 
then should the religion be the first thing that should be 
established. It was answered that the poets and painters had 
not altogether erred when they feigned and painted Occasion 
with a head bald behind : for when the first chance is offered 
and lost, it is hard to recover it again. 

The matter became so hot betwixt the Earl of 
break^with M ra J and some others of the Court, and John Knox, 
5 a/foray, that a ^er that time they spake not together familiarly 
for more than a year and a half. The said John, by 
letter, gave a discharge to the said Earl of all further intro 
mission or care with his affairs. He made discourse of their 
first acquaintance ; in what estate he was when first they 
spake together in London ; how God had promoted him, even 
beyond man s judgment; and in the end he made this con 
clusion : " But seeing that I perceive myself frustrated of my 
expectation that ye should have ever preferred God to your 
own affection, and the advancement of His truth to your 
singular commodity, I commit you to your own wit, and to 
the guidance of those who better can please you. I praise my 
God, I this day leave you victor of your enemies, promoted to 

1 Bordering of gowns with tassels. 2 Meddled. 



great honours, and in credit and authority with your Sovereign. 
If ye long continue so, none within the realm shall be more 
glad than I shall be ; but if after this day ye shall decay, as 
I fear that ye shall, then call to mind by what means God 
exalted you ; that was neither by bearing with impiety, nor 
by maintaining pestilent Papists." 

This bill 1 and discharge so pleased the flatterers of the 
Earl, that they triumphed, and were glad to have gotten their 
occasion ; for some envied the great familiarity that had been 
betwixt the said Earl and John Knox. Therefore, from the time 
that they once got that occasion to separate them, they ceased 
not to cast oil in the burning flame, and this ceased not to 
burn, until God, by water of affliction, began to slocken it. 
Lest they should seem to have altogether forsaken God (in 
very deed both God and His Word were far from the hearts of 
the most part of the courtiers in that age, a few excepted), 
they began a new shift. They spoke of the punishment of 
adultery, and of witchcraft, and to seek the restitution of the 
glebes and manses to the ministers of the Kirk, and the 
reparation of churches : thereby they thought to have pleased 
the godly that were highly offended at their slackness. 

The Act of Oblivion was passed, because some of 
Legisia- the Lords had interest ; but the Acts against adultery, 
and for the manses and glebes, were so modified, that 
no law and such law might stand in eodem predicamento. To 
speak plainly, no law and such Acts were both alike. The 
Acts are in print : let wise men read, and then accuse us, if we 
complain without cause. 

In the progress of this corruption, and before the 

John Knox _ , . , . , , ,. , TT . , . , 

preaches a Parliament dissolved, John Knox, in his sermon before 
Sermon to the most part of the Nobility, entered on a deep 

the Lords. ,. _. ... . ,, n , 

discourse concerning Gods mercies to the realm, and 
the ingratitude which he espied in almost the whole multi 
tude, albeit God had marvellously delivered them from the 
bondage and tyranny both of body and soul. " And now, 
my Lords," said he, " I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, 
that, in your own presence, I may pour forth the sorrows of 

1 Letter. 

280 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

my heart ; yea, yourselves shall be witness if I shall make any 
lie in things that are by-past. From the beginning of God s 
mighty working within this realm, I have been with you in 
your most desperate temptations. Ask your own consciences, 
and let them answer you before God. if I not I, but God s 
Spirit by me in your greatest extremity did not urge you 
ever to depend upon your God, and in His name promised you 
victory and preservation from your enemies, if ye would only 
depend upon His protection, and prefer His glory to your own 
lives and worldly commodity. 

" I have been with you in your most extreme dangers. 
Perth, Cupar Moor, and the Crags of Edinburgh are yet recent 
in my heart. Yea, that dark and dolorous night, wherein ye 
all, my Lords, with shame and fear left this town, is yet in my 
mind ; God forbid that I ever forget it. Ye yourselves yet live 
to testify what was my exhortation to you, and what is fallen 
in vain of all that ever God promised to you by my mouth. Not 
one of you, against whom death and destruction were threatened, 
perished in that danger. How many of your enemies has God 
plagued before your eyes ! Shall this be the thankfulness that 
ye shall render unto your God, to betray His cause, when ye 
have it in your own hands to establish it as ye please ? The 
Queen, say ye, will not agree with us. Ask of her that which 
by God s Word ye may justly require, and if she will not agree 
with you in God, ye are not bound to agree with her in the 
Devil. Let her plainly understand your minds, and steal not 
from your former stoutness in God, and He shall yet prosper 
you in your enterprises. 

" But I can see nothing but a recoiling from Christ Jesus : 
the man that first and most speedily fleeth from Christ s ensign 
holdeth himself most happy. Yea, I hear that some say that 
we have nothing of our religion established, by Law or by 
Parliament. Albeit the malicious words of such can neither 
hurt the truth of God, nor yet those of us that thereupon 
depend, the speaker, for his treason, committed against God 
and against this poor commonwealth, deserves the gallows. 
Our religion, being commanded and established by God, has 
been accepted within this realm in public Parliament ; if they 


say that was no Parliament, we must and will say, and also 
prove, that that Parliament was as lawful as ever any that 
passed before it within this realm. Yea, if the King then 
living was King, and the Queen now in this realm be lawful 
Queen, that Parliament cannot be denied. 

" And now, my Lords, to put an end to all, I hear of the 
Queen s marriage. Dukes, brethren to emperors, and kings 
strive all for the best game ; but this will I say, my Lords 
note the day and bear witness afterwards whensoever the 
Nobility of Scotland, professing the Lord Jesus, consent that 
an infidel (and all Papists are infidels) shall be head to your 
Sovereign, so far as in ye lieth, ye do banish Christ Jesus from 
this realm; ye bring God s vengeance upon the country, a 
plague upon yourselves, and perchance small comfort to your 

These words and this manner of speaking were 
an<fpro- judged intolerable. Papists and Protestants were 

both offended ; yea, the most familiar friends of Knox 
John" Knox disdained him for that utterance. Placeboes and 
mo s nd by flatterers posted to the Court to give information that 
ie Que m. ^ -^^ spoken against the Queen s marriage, and the 
Provost of Lincluden, Douglas of Drumlanrig by surname, 
brought the charge that the said John Knox should present 
himself before the Queen. This he did soon after dinner. 
The Lord Ochiltree, and divers of the faithful, bare him com 
pany to the Abbey; but none passed in to the Queen with 
him in the cabinet but John Erskine of Dun, then Superin 
tendent of Angus and Mearns. The Queen, in a vehement fume, 
began to cry out that never prince was handled as she was. 

Queen. I have borne with you in all your rigorous manner 
of speaking, both against myself and against my uncles ; yea, I 
have sought your favours by all possible means. I offered 
unto you presence and audience whensoever it pleased you to 
admonish me ; and yet I cannot be quit of you. I avow to 
God, I shall be once revenged. 

At these words, scarcely could Marna, her secret chamber 
boy, get napkins 1 to hold her eyes dry for the tears; and 
1 Pocket-handkerchiefs. 

282 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

howling, besides womanly weeping, stayed her speech. The 
said John did patiently abide all the first fume, and at oppor 
tunity answered. 

Knox. True it is, Madam, your Grace and I have been at 
divers controversies, in which I never perceived your Grace to 
be offended at me. But, when it shall please God to deliver 
you from that bondage of darkness and error in which ye have 
been nourished for the lack of true doctrine, your Majesty will 
find in the liberty of my tongue nothing offensive. Outside 
the preaching place, Madam, I think few have occasion to be 
offended at me ; and there, Madam, I am not master of myself, 
but must obey Him who commands me to speak plain, and to 
flatter no flesh upon the face of the earth. 

Queen. But what have ye to do with my marriage ? 

Knox. If it please your Majesty to hear me patiently, I 
shall show the truth in plain words. I grant your Grace 
offered me more than ever I required; but my answer was 
then, as it is now, that God hath not sent me to wait upon the 
courts of princesses, or upon the chambers of ladies. I am 
sent to preach the Evangel of Jesus Christ to such as please 
to hear it. It hath two parts, repentance and faith. And 
now, Madam, in preaching repentance, it is necessary that the 
sins of men be so noted that they may know wherein they 
offend ; but the most part of your Nobility are so addicted to 
your affections, that neither God, His Word, nor yet their 
commonwealth are rightly regarded. Therefore it becomes me 
so to speak, that they may know their duty. 

Queen. What have ye to do with my marriage ? Or what 
are ye within this commonwealth ? 

Knox. A subject born within the same, Madam. And, 
albeit I be neither Earl, Lord, nor Baron within it, God has 
made me a profitable member within the same, however abject 
I be in your eyes. Yea, Madam, it appertains to me to fore 
warn of such things as may hurt that commonwealth, if I 
foresee them, no less than it does to any of the Nobility. 
Both my vocation and conscience crave plainness of me. 
Therefore, Madam, to yourself I say that which I speak in 
public place. Whensoever the Nobility of this realm shall 


consent that ye be subject to an unfaithful husband, they 
do as much as in them lieth to renounce Christ, to banish 
His truth from them, to betray the freedom of this realm, 
and perchance they shall in the end do small comfort to 

At these words, howling was heard, and tears might have 
been seen in greater abundance than the matter required. 
John Erskine of Dun, a man of meek and gentle spirit, stood 
beside, and entreated what he could do to mitigate her 
anger, giving her many pleasing words of her beauty, of her 
excellence, and saying that all the princes of Europe would be 
glad to seek her favours. But all this was to cast oil in the 
flaming fire. The said John stood still, without any alteration 
of countenance for a long season, while the Queen gave place 
to her inordinate passion. 

In the end he said, " Madam, I speak in God s presence. 
I never delighted in the weeping of any of God s creatures ; 
yea, I can scarcely well abide the tears of my own boys 
whom my own hand corrects, much less can I rejoice in your 
Majesty s weeping. Seeing, however, that I have offered you 
no just occasion to be offended, but have spoken the truth as 
my vocation craves of me, I must sustain your Majesty s tears, 
albeit unwillingly, rather than dare hurt my conscience, or 
betray my commonwealth through my silence." 

Herewith was the Queen more offended, and commanded 
the said John to leave the cabinet, and to abide her pleasure 
in the chamber. The Laird of Dun tarried, and Lord John of 
Coldingham came into the cabinet, and there they both re 
mained with her for nearly an hour. The said John stood in 
the chamber, as one whom men had never seen, so afraid were 
all, except that the Lord Ochiltree bare him company. There 
fore began he to forge talk with the ladies who were sitting 
there in all their gorgeous apparel. This espied, he merrily 
said, " fair Ladies, how pleasing were this life of yours if it 
should ever abide, and in the end we might pass to heaven 
with all this gay gear. Fie upon that knave Death, who will 
come whether we will or not ! When he has laid on his 
arrest, the foul worms will be busy with this flesh, be it never 

284 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

so fair and so tender ; and the silly soul shall, I fear, be so 
feeble that it can neither carry with it gold, garnishing, 
targetting, pearl, nor precious stones." By such means pro 
cured he the company of women ; and so passed the time 
until the Laird of Dun desired him to depart to his house. 
The Queen would have sought the censement of the Lords of 
Articles as to whether such manner of speaking as that of 
the said John deserved not punishment ; but she was counselled 
to desist : and so that storm quieted in appearance, but never 
in the heart. 

Shortly after the Parliament, Lethington returned 
Lethmg- f rom ^jg negotiation in England and France. In the 
H?S woridiyFebruary before, God had stricken that bloody tyrant 
displayed. ^ ne Duke of Guise, and this somewhat broke the f ard 1 
of our Queen for a season. But, shortly after the 
return of Lethington, pride and malice began to show them 
selves again. She set at liberty the Archbishop of St. 
Andrews, and the rest of the Papists, formerly put in prison 
for violating the laws. Lethington showed himself not a little 
offended that any bruit of the Queen s marriage with the son 
of the King of Spain should have risen ; for he took upon him 
that such a thing never entered into her heart. How true that 
was, we shall afterwards hear. The object of all his acquaint 
ance and complaint was to discredit John Knox, who had 
affirmed that such a marriage was both proponed and accepted 
by the Cardinal upon the part of our Queen. In his absence, 
Lethington had run into a very evil bruit among the Nobility for 
too much serving the Queen s affections against the common 
wealth ; and therefore, as one that lacketh no worldly wisdom, 
he had made provision both in England and in Scotland. In 
England he had travailed for the freedom of the Earl Bothwell, 
and by that means obtained promise of his favour. He had 
there also made arrangements for the home-coming of the Earl 
of Lennox. In Scotland, he joined with the Earl of Atholl : 
him he promoted and set forward in Court, and so the Earl of 
Moray began to be defaced. And yet Lethington at all times 
showed a fair countenance to the said Earl. 

1 Ardour ; violence. 


The Queen spent the rest of that summer in her 
retains progress throughout the West country, where in all 
ance of the towns and gentlemen s places she had her Mass. This 

coming to the ears of John Knox, he began that form 
of prayer which ordinarily he sayeth after thanksgiving at his 
table: " i. Deliver us, Lord, from the bondage of idolatry. 
2. Preserve and keep us from the tyranny of strangers. 3. 
Continue us in quietness and concord amongst ourselves, if 
Thy good pleasure be, Lord, for a season," etc. Divers of 
the familiars of the said John asked him why he prayed for 
quietness to continue for a season, and not rather absolutely 
that we should continue in quietness. His answer was that 
he durst not pray but in faith ; and faith in God s Word assured 
him that constant quietness could not continue in that realm 
where idolatry had been suppressed, and then been permitted 
to be erected again. 

From the West country, the Queen passed to Argyll to 
the hunting, and afterwards returned to Stirling. The Earl of 
Moray, the Lord Eobert of Holyroodhouse, and Lord John of 
Coldingham, passed to the Northland. Justice Courts were 
holden ; thieves and murderers were punished ; two witches 
were burned, the elder so blinded with the Devil that she 
affirmed that no judge had power over her. 

At that same time, Lord John of Coldingham 
of Lord* departed this life in Inverness. It was affirmed that 
Coiding- he commanded such as were beside him to say to the 

Queen that, unless she left off her idolatry, God would 
not fail to plague her. He asked God s mercy that he had so 
far borne with her in her impiety, and had maintained her 
in the same. No one thing did he more regret than that he 
had nattered, fostered, and maintained her in her wickedness 
against God and His servants. And in very deed he had great 
cause to lament his wickedness ; for, besides all his other 
infirmities, he, in the end, for the Queen s pleasure, became 
enemy to virtue and virtuous men, and a patron to impiety to 
the uttermost of his power. Yea, his venom was so kindled 
against God and his Word, that in his rage he burst forth with 
these words : " Before I see the Queen s Majesty so troubled 

286 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

with the railing of these knaves, I shall have the best of them 
sticked in the pulpit." 

What further villainy came forth from the stinking throats 
and mouths of both, modesty will not suffer us to write. If 
Lord John had grace to repent unfeignedly thereof, it is no 
small document to God s mercies. Howsoever God wrought 
with him, the Queen regarded his words as wind, or else 
thought them to have been forged by others, and not to have 
proceeded from himself. She affirmed plainly that they were 
devised by the Laird of Pittarrow and Mr. John Wood, both 
of whom she hated, because they did not natter her in her 
dancing and other doings. One thing in plain words she 
spake, " God always took from her those persons in whom she 
had greatest pleasure : " that she repented ; but of further 
wickedness there was no mention. 

While the Queen lay at Stirling, with her idolatry 
mongers ^ n ner chapel, certain dontibours and others of the 
Hoiyrood French menyie were left in the Palace of Holyrood- 
house. These raised up their Mass more publicly 
than they had done at any time before. Upon those 
same Sundays that the Church of Edinburgh had the ministra 
tion of the Lord s Table, the Papists, in great numbers, resorted 
to the Abbey, to their abomination. This understood, divers 
of the brethren, being sorely offended, consulted as to redress 
of that enormity. Certain of the most zealous and most 
upright in the religion, were appointed to watch the Abbey, 
and note the persons who resorted to the Mass. Perceiving 
a great number to enter the chapel, some of the brethren 
did also burst in. Thereat the priest and the French dames, 
being afraid, made the shout to be sent to the town ; while 
Madame Eaulet, mistress of the Queen s dontibours (for maids 
that court could not then bear) posted on with all diligence to 
the Comptroller, the Laird of Pittarrow, who was then in St. 
Giles s Kirk at the sermon, and cried for his assistance, to save 
her life and to save the Queen s Palace. He, with greater 
haste than need required, obeyed her desire, and took with 
him the Provost, the Bailies, and a great part of the faithful. 
But when they came to the place where the fear was bruited 


to have been, they found all things quiet, except the tumult 
they brought with themselves, and peaceable men looking to 
the Papists, and forbidding them to transgress the laws. 

True it is that a zealous brother, named Patrick 
Papists Cranston, passed into the chapel, and finding the altar 
Mischief, covered, and the priest ready to go to that abomina 
tion, the Mass, said, " The Queen s Majesty is not 
here ; how darest thou then be so malapert, as openly to do 
against the law ? " No further was done or said, and yet the 
bruit was posted to the Queen, with such information as the 
Papists could give ; and this found as much credit as their 
hearts could have wished for. Here was so heinous a crime 
in her eyes, that there was no satisfaction for that sin, with 
out blood. Without delay, Andrew Armstrong and Patrick 
Cranston were summoned to find surety to underlie the law, 
for " forethought, felony, hamesucken, 1 violent invasion of the 
Queen s Palace, and for spoliation of the same." 

When those summonses were divulged, the extremity was 
feared, and the few brethren that were in town consulted as to 
the next remedy. In the end, it was concluded that John 
Knox (to whom the charge had been given to spread intelli 
gence whenever danger should appear) should write to the 
brethren in all quarters, giving information as to how the 
matter stood, and requiring their assistance. This he did in 
tenor as here follows 

" Wheresoever two or three are gathered together 
Sx s i n MV name, there am I in the midst of them. 
Letter to j t ^ s not Un k n0 wn unto you, dear brethren, 
Brethren: w ^ at com f or t and tranquillity God gave to us, in 
October mos jj dangerous times, by our Christian assemblies, 
and godly conferences, as oft as any danger appeared 
to any member or members of our body : and that, since we 
have neglected, or at least not frequented our conventions 
and assemblies, the adversaries of the holy Evangel of Christ 
Jesus have enterprised, and boldened themselves, publicly and 
secretly, to do many things odious in God s presence, and most 
hurtful to the liberty of true religion, now granted unto us 

1 The crime of beating or assaulting a person within his own house. 

288 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

by God s great favour. The holy Sacraments are abused by 
profane Papists. Masses have been, and yet are, openly said 
and maintained. The blood of some of our dearest ministers 
has been shed, without fear of punishment or correction being 
craved by us. 

" And now, are two of our dear brethren, Patrick Cranston 
and Andrew Armstrong, summoned to underlie the law, in the 
town of Edinburgh, the 24th of this instant October, for 
forethought, felony, pretended murder, and for invading the 
Queen s Majesty s Palace of Holyroodhouse, with unlawful 
convocation, etc. This terrible summons is directed against 
our brethren, because they, with two or three more, passed to 
the Abbey upon Sunday, the loth of August, to behold and 
note what persons repaired to the Mass. They did so, because 
on the Sunday before (the Queen s Grace being absent) there 
resorted to that idol a rascal multitude, the Papists having 
openly the least devilish ceremony, 1 yea, even the conjuring of 
their accursed water, that ever they had in the time of greatest 
blindness. Because, I say, our said brethren went, in most 
quiet manner, to note such abusers, these fearful summonses 
are directed against them ; no doubt, to make preparation upon 
a few, that a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a 
greater multitude. If it so come to pass, God, no doubt, has 
justly recompensed our former negligence and ingratitude 
towards Him and His benefits received in our own bosoms. 

" God gave to us a most notable victory over His and 
our enemies : He brake their strength, and confounded their 
counsels : He set us at freedom, and purged this realm, for the 
most part, of open idolatry ; to the end that we, ever mindful 
of so wondrous a deliverance, should have kept this realm 
clean from such vile filthiness, and damnable idolatry. But 
we, alas ! preferring the pleasure of flesh and blood to the 
pleasure and commandment of our God, have suffered that 
idol, the Mass, to be erected again ; and therefore justly does 
He now suffer us to fall into such danger that to look at an 
idolater going to his idolatry shall be reputed a crime little 
inferior to treason. God grant that we fall not further. 

1 The papistical ceremony, down to its minutest details (?). 


" God has, of His mercy, made me one amongst many to 
travail in setting forward His true religion within this realm, 
and I, seeing the same in danger of ruin, cannot but of con 
science crave of you, my brethren, of all Estates, that have 
professed the truth, your presence, comfort, and assistance, on 
the said day, in the town of Edinburgh, even as ye tender the 
advancement of God s glory, the safety of your brethren, and 
your own assurance, together with the preservation of the 
Kirk in these apparent dangers. 

" It may be, perchance, that persuasion will be made to 
the contrary, and that ye may be informed either that your 
assembly is not necessary, or else that it will offend the upper 
powers. But my good hope is that neither flattery nor fear 
shall make you so far to decline from Christ Jesus as that, 
against your public promise and solemn bond, ye will desert 
your brethren in so just a cause. Albeit there were no great 
danger, our assembly cannot be unprofitable; many things 
require consultation, and this cannot be had, unless the wisest 
and godliest convene. Thus, doubting nothing of the assistance 
of our God if we uniformly seek His glory, I cease further to 
trouble you, committing you heartily to the protection of the 

The brethren, advertised by this bill, prepared 

John Knox , , , , . . 

is be- themselves (as many as were thought expedient lor 
every town and province) to keep the day appointed. 
But by the means of false brethren, the letter came to the 
hands of the Queen, in this manner. It was read in the town 
of Ayr, where was present Robert Cunningham, minister of 
Failford, who then was reputed an earnest professor of the 
Evangel. He, by means we know not, got the said letter, and 
sent it with his token to Master Henry Sinclair, then President 
of the Seat and College of Justice, and styled Bishop of Boss, a 
perfect hypocrite, and a conjured enemy of Christ Jesus, whom 
God afterwards struck according to his deservings. The said 
Mr. Henry was enemy to all that unfeignedly professed the 
Lord Jesus, but chiefly to John Knox, for the liberty of his 
tongue ; for he had affirmed, as ever still he doth affirm, that a 
bishop that receives profit, and feeds not the flock by his own 

2 9 o BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

labours, is both a thief and a murderer. The said Mr. Henry, 
thinking himself happy to have found so good occasion to 
trouble John Knox, whose life he hated, posted the said letter, 
with his counsel, to the Queen, who then lay in Stirling. 

The letter being read, it was concluded by the 
Council of the Cabinet, that is, by the most secret 
Treafon. Council, that it imported treason ; and the Queen was 
not a little rejoiced, for she thought to be revenged 
for once on her great enemy. It was also concluded that the 
Nobility should be written for, that the condemnation should 
have the greater authority. The day appointed was about the 
midst of December ; and this was kept by the whole Council, 
and by divers others, such as the Master of Maxwell, the old 
Laird of Lethington, and the said President. In the meantime, 
the Earl of Moray returned from the north, and to him the 
Secretary Lethington opened the matter as best pleased him. 

The Master of Maxwell gave the said John as it had been 
a discharge of the familiarity which before was great between 
them, unless he would agree to satisfy the Queen at her own 
sight. 1 

Knox. I know no offence done by me to the Queen s 
Majesty, and therefore I wot not what satisfaction to make. 

Maxwell. No offence ! Have ye not written letters desiring 
the brethren to convene from all parts to Andrew Armstrong 
and Patrick Cranston s day ? 

Knox. That I grant, but therein I acknowledge no offence 
done by me. 

Maxwell. No offence, to convocate the Queen s lieges ? 

Knox. Not for so just a cause : greater things were re 
puted no offence within these two years past. 

Maxwell. The time is now other : then our Sovereign was 
absent, and now she is present. 

Knox. It is neither the absence nor the presence of the 
Queen that rules my conscience, but God speaking plainly in 
His Word. What was lawful to me last year is yet lawful, 
because my God is unchangeable. 

Maxwell. Well, I have given you my counsel, do as ye 

1 That is, as she should dictate. 


list ; but I think ye shall repent it, if ye bow not to the 

Knox. I understand not, Master, what ye mean. I never 
made myself an adversary to the Queen s Majesty, except in 
the head of religion, and therein I think ye will not desire me 
to bow. 

Maxwell. Well, ye are wise enough ; but ye will find that 
men will not bear with you in times to come, as they have 
done in times by-past. 

Knox. If God stand my friend, as I am assured He of His 
mercy will, so long as I depend upon His promise, and prefer 
His glory to my life and worldly profit, I little regard how- 
men behave themselves towards me ; nor yet know I wherein 
men have borne with me in times past, unless it be that 
from my mouth they have heard the Word of God. If, in 
times to come, they refuse it, my heart will be pierced and for 
a season will lament ; but the incommodity will be their own. 

After these words, of which the Laird of Lochinvar was 
witness, they parted. To this day, the 17th of December, 
1571, they have not met in such familiarity as they had 

The bruit of the accusation of John Knox being 
Idv<at r e divulged, Mr. John Spens of Condie, Lord Advocate, 
a man of gentle nature, and one that professed the 
doctrine of the Evangel, came, as it were in secret, to 
John Knox, to inquire the cause of that great bruit. The said 
John was plain to him in all things, and showed him the 
double 1 of the letter. When he had heard and considered this, 
he said, " I thank my God. I came to you with a fearful and 
sorrowful heart, fearing that ye had done such a crime as laws 
might have punished. That would have been no small trouble 
to the hearts of all who have received the word of life which 
ye have preached. I depart greatly rejoiced, as well because I 
perceive your own comfort, even in the midst of your troubles, 
as that I clearly understand that ye have committed no such 
crime as ye are burdened with. Ye will be accused, but God 
will assist you." And so he departed. 

1 Duplicate. 

292 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

The Earl of Moray and the Secretary sent for the 
of Moray said John Knox to the Clerk of Register s house, and 
Secretary began to lament that he had so highly offended the 
reason withQueen s Majesty. That, they feared, would come to a 

John Knox. , . . , . , .,, , . , 

great inconvenience to himself, if he were not wisely 
foreseen. They showed what pains and travail they had 
taken to mitigate her anger, but they could find nothing but 
extremity, unless he himself would confess his offence, and 
put himself in her Grace s will. 

Knox. I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that I have 
learned not to cry conjuration and treason at everything that 
the godless multitude does condemn, or yet to fear the things 
that they fear. I have the testimony of a good conscience 
that I have given no occasion to the Queen s Majesty to be 
offended with me ; for I have done nothing but my duty. So, 
whatsoever shall ensue, my good hope is that my God will give 
me patience to bear it. But far be it from me to confess an 
offence where my conscience witnesseth there is none. 

Lethington. How can it be defended ? Have ye not made 
convocation of the Queen s lieges ? 

Knox. If I have not a just defence for my act, let me 
smart for it. 

Moray. Let us hear your defences; we would be glad 
that ye might be found innocent. 

Knox. Nay, I am informed by divers, and even by you, 
my Lord Secretary, that I am already condemned, and my 
cause prejudged. Therefore I might be reputed a fool, if I 
would make you privy to my defences. 

At those words they seemed both offended; and the 
Secretary departed. But the Earl of Moray remained still, 
and would have entered into further discourse with the said 
John concerning the state of the Court. But he answered, 
" My Lord, I understand more than I would of the affairs of 
the Court ; and therefore it is not needful that your Lordship 
trouble with the recounting of it. If you stand in good case, 
I am content ; and if you do not, as I fear ye do not already, 
or else ye shall not do before long, blame not me. Ye have 
the counsellors whom ye have chosen ; my weak judgment 


both ye and they despised. I can do nothing but behold the 
end, which I pray God may be other than my troubled heart 

Within four days, the said John was called before 
the Queen and Council betwixt six and seven o clock 
at ni g nt - Tne season of the year was the midst of 
Com?cii December. The bruit rising in the town that John 
Knox was sent for by the Queen, the brethren of the 
Kirk followed in such number that the inner close was full, 
and all the stairs, even to the chamber door where the Queen 
and Council sat. These had been reasoning amongst them 
selves before, but had not fully satisfied the Secretary s mind. 
And so the Queen had retired to her cabinet, and the Lords 
were talking each one with other, as occasion served. Upon 
the entrance of John Knox, they were commanded to take their 
places, and did so, sitting as Councillors, one opposite another. 
The Duke of Chatelherault, according to his dignity, began 
the one side. Upon the other side sat the Earl of Argyll, and 
in order of precedence followed the Earl of Moray, the Earl 
of Glencairn, the Earl Marischall, the Lord Kuthven, then the 
common officers, Pittarrow, then Comptroller, the Justice Clerk, 
and Mr. John Spens of Condie, Lord Advocate ; divers others 
stood by. Eemoved from the table sat old Lethington, father 
to the Secretary, Mr. Henry Sinclair, then Bishop of Ross, and 
Mr. James M Gill, Clerk [Register. 

Things thus put in order, the Queen came forth, 
S john ial and, with no little worldly pomp, was placed in the 
Hfeh f chair, having two faithful supporters, the Master of 
Treason. Maxwell U p 0n t | ie one tor i an( j Secretary Lethington 

on the other tor of the chair. There they waited diligently 
all the time of that accusation, sometimes the one occupying 
her ear, sometimes the other. Her pomp lacked one principal 
point, to wit, womanly gravity ; for when she saw John Knox 
standing at the other end of the table bare-headed, she first 
smiled, and after gave a gawf of laughter. When her place 
boes gave their plaudits, affirming, with like countenance, 
" This is a good beginning," she said : " But wot ye whereat 

1 Arm. 

294 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

I laugh ? Yon man gared me greet, 1 and grat never tear him 
self : I will see if I can gar him greet." At that word the 
Secretary whispered her in the ear, and she him again, and 
with that gave him a letter. After inspecting this, he 
directed his visage and speech to John Knox. 

Lethington. The Queen s Majesty is informed that ye have 
travailed to raise a tumult of her subjects against her, and for 
certification thereof, there is presented to her your own letter 
subscribed in your name. Yet, because her Grace will do 
nothing without a good advisement, she has convened you 
before this part of the Nobility, that they may witness 
betwixt you and her. 

Queen. Let him acknowledge his own handwriting, and 
then shall we judge of the contents of the letter. 

So the letter was presented from hand to hand to John 
Knox, who examined it. 

Knox. I gladly acknowledge this to be my handwriting ; 
and also I remember that I indited a letter to the brethren 
in sundry quarters, in the month of October, giving sig 
nification of such things as displeased me. So good opinion 
have I of the fidelity of the scribes that they would not 
willingly adulterate my original, albeit I left divers subscribed 
blanks with them, I acknowledge both handwriting and 
ditement. 2 

Lethington. Ye have done more than I would have done. 

Knox. Charity is not suspicious. 

Queen. Well, well, read your own letter, and then answer 
to such things as shall be demanded of you. 

Knox. I shall do the best I can. 

With loud voice he began to read the letter already quoted. 
After it was read to the end, it was presented again to Mr. 
John Spens ; for the Queen commanded him to accuse, as he 
afterwards did, but very gently. 

Queen. Heard ye ever, my Lords, a more despiteful and 
treasonable letter ? 

No man gave answer, and Lethington addressed himself to 
John Knox. 

1 Weep. 2 What is written. 


Lethington. Master Knox, are ye not sorry from your 
heart, and do you not repent that such a letter has passed 
your pen, and from you is come to the knowledge of others. 

Knox. My Lord Secretary, before I repent I must be 
taught of my offence. 

Lethington. Offence ! If there were no more than the 
convocation of the Queen s lieges, the offence could not be 

Knox. Eemember yourself, my Lord. There is a differ 
ence betwixt a lawful convocation, and an unlawful. If I 
have been guilty in this, I have often offended since I came 
last to Scotland: for what convocation of the brethren has 
ever been to this day in which my pen served not ? Before 
this, no man laid it to my charge as a crime. 

Lethington. Then was then, and now is now. We have 
no need of such convocations as sometimes we have had. 

Knox. The time that has been is even now before my 
eyes; for I see the poor flock in no less danger than it has 
been at any time before, except that the Devil has gotten a 
visor upon his face. Before, he came in with his own face, 
discovered by open tyranny, seeking the destruction of all 
that refused idolatry : and then, I think ye will confess, the 
brethren lawfully assembled themselves for defence of their 
lives. Now the Devil comes under the cloak of justice, to 
do that which God would not suffer him to do by strength. 

Queen. What is this? Methinks ye trifle with him. 
Who gave him authority to make convocation of my lieges ? 
Is not that treason ? 

Lord Euthven. No, Madam, for he makes convocation of 
the people to hear prayer and sermon almost daily ; and, what 
ever your Grace or others think thereof, we think it no treason. 

Queen. Hold your peace, and let him make answer for 

Knox, Madam, I began to reason with the Secretary, 
whom I take to be a far better dialectician than your Grace 
is, that all convocations are not unlawful. And now my Lord 
Kuthven has given the instance. If your Grace will deny 
this, I shall address myself to the proof. 

296 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

Queen. I will say nothing against your religion, nor 
against your convening to your sermons. But what authority 
have ye to convocate my subjects when ye will, without my 
commandment ? 

Knox. I have no pleasure to decline from the former 
purpose. And yet, Madam, to satisfy your Grace s two 
questions, I answer that at my will I never convened four 
persons in Scotland ; but, upon the instructions of the brethren, 
I have given divers notifications, and great multitudes have 
assembled. If your Grace complain that this was done with 
out your Grace s commandment, I answer So has all that 
God has blessed within this realm from the beginning of this 
action. Therefore, Madam, I must be convicted by a just 
law that I have done against the duty of God s messenger in 
writing this letter, before either I be sorry, or yet repent for 
the doing of it, as my Lord Secretary would persuade me. 
What I have done, I have done at the commandment of the 
general Kirk of this realm ; and, therefore, I think I have done 
no wrong. 

Queen. Ye shall not escape so. Is it not treason, my 
Lords, to accuse a prince of cruelty ? I think there be Acts 
of Parliament against such whisperers. 

That was granted by many. 

Knox. But wherein can I be accused ? 

Queen. Eead this part of your own bill, which began, 
"These fearful summonses are directed against them, to wit 
the brethren foresaid, to make, no doubt, preparation upon 
a few, that a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a 
greater multitude." Lo, what say ye to that ? 

Many doubted what the said John should answer. 

Knox. Is it lawful for me, Madam, to answer for myself ? 
Or shall I be condemned before I be heard ? 

Queen. Say what ye can, for I think ye have enough 

Knox. I will first, then, desire this of your Grace, Madam, 
and of this most honourable audience, whether your Grace 
knows not that the obstinate Papists are deadly enemies to 
all such as profess the Evangel of Jesus Christ, and that they 


most earnestly desire the extermination of them, and of the 
true doctrine that is taught within this realm ? 

The Queen held her peace ; but all the Lords, with common 
voice, said, " God forbid that either the lives of the faithful, 
or yet the staying of teaching and preaching, stood in the 
power of the Papists : just experience has told us what cruelty 
lies in their hearts." 

Knox. I must proceed, then, seeing that I perceive that 
all will grant that it was a barbarous cruelty to destroy such 
a multitude as profess the Evangel of Jesus Christ within this 
realm. This, oftener than once or twice, has been attempted 
by force, as things done of late days do testify. Disappointed 
by God and His providence, the Papists have invented more 
crafty and dangerous practices, to wit, to make the prince 
party, under colour of law : what they could not do by open 
force, they hope to perform by crafty deceit. For who thinks, 
my Lords, that the insatiable cruelty of the Papists within this 
realm shall end in the murdering of these two brethren now 
unjustly summoned, and more unjustly to be accused ? I think 
no man of judgment can so esteem, but rather the direct 
contrary ; that is, by this few number they intend to prepare 
a way to bloody enterprises against the whole. Therefore, 
Madam, cast up when ye list the Acts of your Parliament. I 
have offended nothing against them. In my letter, I accuse 
neither your Grace nor your nature of cruelty. But I affirm 
yet again that the pestilent Papists, who have inflamed your 
Grace without cause against those poor men at this present, 
are the sons of the Devil ; and therefore must obey the desires 
of their father, who has been a liar and a murderer from the 

A Councillor. Ye forget yourself, ye are not now in the 

Knox. I am in the place where I am demanded of con 
science to speak the truth ; and therefore I speak. The truth 
I speak, impugn it whoso list. And hereunto I add, Madam, 
that honest, gentle, and meek natures by appearance, may, by 
wicked and corrupt counsellors, be converted and altered to 
the direct contrary. We have example in Xero, who, in the 

298 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

beginning of his empire, had some natural shame ; but, after 
his flatterers had encouraged him in all impiety, alleging 
that nothing was either unhonest nor yet unlawful for the 
personage of him who was emperor above others when he 
had drunken of this cup, I say, to what enormities he fell: 
the histories bear witness. And now, Madam, to speak plainly, 
Papists and conjured enemies to Jesus Christ have your Grace s 
ear patent at all times. I assure your Grace they are dangerous 
counsellors, and that your mother found. 

As this was said, Lethington smiled, and spake secretly to 
the Queen in her ear ; what it was, the table heard not. But 
immediately she addressed her visage, and spake to John 

Queen. Well, ye speak fair enough here before my Lords ; 
but the last time I spake with you secretly, ye caused me greet 
many salt tears, and said to me stubbornly that ye set not by 
my greeting. 

Knox. Madam, because now, the second time, your Grace 
has burdened me with that crime, I must answer, lest for my 
silence I be holden guilty. If your Grace be ripely remem 
bered, the Laird of Dun, yet living to testify the truth, was 
present at the time whereof your Grace complains. Your 
Grace accused me of having irreverently handled you in the 
pulpit ; that I denied. Ye said, What ado had I to speak of 
your marriage ? What was I, that I should mell with such 
matters ? I answered that, as touching nature, I was a worm 
of this earth, and yet a subject of this commonwealth ; but as 
touching the office wherein it had pleased God to place me, I 
was a watchman, both over the realm and over the Kirk of 
God gathered within the same. For that reason, I was bound 
in conscience to blow the trumpet publicly, oft as ever I saw 
any upfall, 1 any appearing danger, either to the one or to the 
other. A certain bruit affirmed that traffic of marriage was 
betwixt your Grace and the Spanish ally : and as to that I said 
that if your Nobility and Estates did agree unless both ye 
and your husband should be so straitly bound that neither 
of you might hurt this commonwealth, nor yet the poor Kirk 

1 Incident ; matter cast up. 


of God within the same in that case I would pronounce that 
the consenters were troublers of this commonwealth, and 
enemies to God, and to His promise 1 planted within it. At 
these words, I grant, your Grace stormed, and burst forth into 
an unreasonable weeping. What mitigation the Laird of Dun 
would have made, I suppose your Grace has not forgotten. 
While nothing was able to stay your weeping, I was compelled 
to say, " I take God to record that I never took pleasure to see 
any creature weep, yea, not my children when my own hands 
had beaten them, much less can I rejoice to see your Grace 
make such regret. But, seeing that I have offered your Grace 
no such occasion, I must rather suffer your Grace to take your 
own pleasure, before I dare conceal the truth, and so betray 
both the Kirk of God and my commonwealth." These were 
the most extreme words that I spoke that day. 

After the Secretary had conferred with the Queen, he said, 
" Mr. Knox, ye may return to your house for this night." 

"I thank God arid the Queen s Majesty," said the other. 
" And, Madam, I pray God to purge your heart from Papistry, 
and to preserve you from the counsel of flatterers ; for, how 
ever pleasant they appear to your ear and corrupt affections 
for the time, experience has told us into what perplexity they 
have brought famous princes." 

Lethington and the Master of Maxwell were that night the 
two stoops 2 of her chair. 

John Knox being departed, it was demanded of the 
verdict of Lords and others that were present, every man by his 
c h o e unciP vote > whether John Knox had not offended the Queen s 
Majesty. The Lords voted uniformly that they could 
find no offence. The Queen had retired to her cabinet. The 
flatterers of the Court, and Lethington principally, raged. The 
Queen was brought again, and placed in her chair, and they 
were commanded to vote over again. This highly offended the 
whole Nobility, who began to speak in open audience. " What ! 
shall the Laird of Lethington have power to control us : or 
shall the presence of a woman cause us to offend God, and to 
condemn an innocent against our conscience, for pleasure of 

i Evangel. 2 Supports. 

300 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

any creature ? " And so the whole Nobility absolved John 
Knox again, and praised God for his modesty, and for his plain 
and sensible answers. Yea, before the end, it is to be noted 
that, among so many placeboes, we mean the flatterers of the 
Court, there was not one that plainly durst condemn the poor 
man that was accused, this same God ruling their tongue, as 
once He ruled the tongue of Balaam, when he would gladly 
have cursed God s people. 

TheDis- When this was perceived, the Queen began to 
the a Que e enf u pb ra id Mr. Henry Sinclair, then Bishop of Eoss, and 
said, hearing his vote to agree with the rest, " Trouble 
not the bairn : I pray you trouble him not ; for he is newly 
wakened out of his sleep. Why should not the old fool follow 
the footsteps of them that have passed before him." The 
bishop answered coldly, " Your Grace may consider that it is 
neither affection to the man, nor yet love to his profession, that 
moves me to absolve him ; but the simple truth, which plainly 
appears in his defence, draws me after it, albeit others would 
have condemned him." This said, the Lords and whole assisters 
arose and departed. That night was neither dancing nor 
fiddling in the Court ; for Madam was disappointed of her 
purpose, which was to have had John Knox at her disposal by 
vote of her Nobility. 

John Knox, absolved by the votes of the greatest part of 
the Nobility from the crime intended against him, even in the 
presence of the Queen, she raged, and the placeboes of the 
Court stormed. And so began new assaults to be made upon 
the said John, to confess an offence, and to put himself in the 
Queen s will, they promising that his greatest punishment 
should be to go within the Castle of Edinburgh, and immedi 
ately return to his own home. He answered, " God forbid 
that my confession should condemn those noble men who for 
their conscience sake, and with the displeasure of the Queen, 
have absolved me. And, further, I am assured that ye will 
not in earnest desire me to confess an offence, unless ye would 
desire me to cease from preaching : for how can I exhort others 
to peace and Christian quietness, if I confess myself an author 
and mover of sedition ? " 


At the General Assembly of the Kirk, the just 
General petitions of the ministers and commissioners of kirks 
DeceSbeV were despised at the first, with these words, " As 
ministers will not follow our counsels, so will we 
suffer ministers to labour for themselves, and see what speed 
they come." And when the whole Assembly said, " If the 
Queen will not provide for our ministers, we must ; for both 
Third and Two-part are rigorously taken from us, and from 
our tenants." " If others," said one, " will follow my counsel, 
the gaird 1 and the Papists shall complain as long as our 
ministers have done." At these words the former sharpness 
was coloured, 2 and the speaker alleged that he did not refer to 
all ministers, but to some to whom the Queen was no debtor ; 
for what Third received she of burghs ? Christopher Goodman 
answered, " My Lord Secretary, if ye can show me what just 
title either the Queen has to the Third, or the Papists to the 
Two-part, then I think I should solve whether she were 
debtor to ministers within burghs or not." But thereto he 
received this check for answer, " Ne sit peregrinus curiosus in 
aliena Eepullica ; " that is, " Let not a stranger be curious in a 
strange commonwealth." The man of God answered, " Albeit 


I be a stranger in your polity, I am not so in the Kirk of 
God ; and its care does no less appertain to me in Scotland 
than if I were in the midst of England." 

Many wondered at the silence of John Knox ; 
Sa*d n s x f r m a ^ tnose ^ c ^ reasonings he opened not his 
ment u of s mouth. The cause thereof he himself expressed in 
Brethren. those words : " J nave travailed, right honourable and 
beloved Brethren, since my last arrival within this 
realm, in an upright conscience before my God, seeking 
nothing more, as He is my witness, than the advancement 
of His glory, and the stability of His Kirk within this realm ; 
and yet of late days I have been accused as a seditious man, 
and as one that usurps to myself power that becomes me not. 
True it is that I have given notification to the Brethren in 
divers quarters concerning the extremity intended against 
certain faithful men for looking at a priest going to Mass, 

1 Guard ; civil establishment. Modified ; dissembled. 

302 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

and for observing those that transgressed just laws ; but that 
therein I have usurped further power than is given to me, 
until I be condemned by you, I utterly deny. 

" I say that by you, that is, by the charge of the General 
Assembly, I have as just power to advertise the Brethren from 
time to time of dangers appearing, as I have authority to 
preach the Word of God in the pulpit of Edinburgh ; for by 
you I was appointed to the one and to the other ; and, there 
fore, in the name of God, I crave your judgments. The danger 
that appeared to me in my accusation was not so fearful as 
were the words that came to my ears dolorous to my heart ; 
for these words were plainly spoken, and that by some 
Protestants, What can the Pope do more than send forth 
his letters, and require them to be obeyed. Let me have 
your judgments w r hether I have usurped any power to myself, 
or if I have but obeyed your commandment." 

The flatterers of the Court, amongst whom Sir John Bellen- 
den, Justice Clerk, was then not the least, began to storm, 
and said, " Shall we be compelled to justify the rash doings of 
men ? " " My Lord," said John Knox, " ye shall speak your 
pleasure for the present : of you I crave nothing ; but if the 
Kirk that is here present do not either absolve me, or else 
condemn me, never shall I in public or in private, as a public 
minister, open my mouth in doctrine or in reasoning." 

The said John being removed, the whole Kirk 
5fjohn tal found, after long contention, that a charge was given 
b"y the t hi m to warn the brethren in all quarters as oft as 
Assembly. ever danger appeared ; and therefore avowed that act 
not to be his only, but to be the act of all. Thereat 
were the Queen s clawbacks 1 more enraged than ever they 
were before ; for some of them had promised to the Queen to 
get the said John convicted, both by the Council and by the 
Kirk ; and, being frustrated of both, she and they thought 
themselves not a little disappointed. . . . 

God from heaven, and upon the face of the earth, 

God s Dis- gave declaration that He was offended at the iniquity 

that was committed even within this realm ; for upon 

1 Sycophants. 


the 20th day of January there fell wet in great abundance, 
which in falling froze so vehemently, that the earth was but 
one sheet of ice. The fowls, 1 both great and small, froze, and 
might not fly: many died, and some were taken and laid 
beside the fire, that their feathers might resolve. In that same 
month the sea stood still, as was clearly observed, and neither 
ebbed nor flowed for the space of twenty-four hours. In 
the month of February, the 15th and 18th days thereof, there 
were seen in the firmament battles arrayed, spears and other 
weapons, and as it had been the joining of two armies. These 
things were not only observed, but also spoken of and con 
stantly affirmed by men of judgment and credit. 

But the Queen and our Court made merry. There 
kSertain- was banqueting upon banqueting. The Queen ban- 
court. at queted all the Lords; and that was done upon policy, 

to remove the suspicion of her displeasure against 
them, because they would not, at her devotion, condemn John 
Knox. To remove, we say, that jealousy, she made the ban 
quet to the whole Lords, and thereat she would have the 
Duke of Chatelherault amongst the rest. It behoved them 
to banquet her again; and so did banqueting continue till 
Fastern s-e en 2 and after. But the poor ministers were mocked, 
and reputed as monsters; the guard, arid the affairs of the 
kitchen were so griping, 3 that the ministers stipends could not 
be paid. 

And yet at the Assembly preceding, solemn pro- 
Queen s mise ^ re( fress had been made in the Queen s name, 
Promises ^7 the mouth of Secretary Lethington, in audience of 

many of the nobility and of the whole Assembly. He 
had affirmed that he had commandment of her Highness to 
promise them full contentation 4 of things bygone to all the 
ministers within the realm; and that, such order would be 
kept in all times to come, the whole body of the Protestants 
would have occasion to stand content. The Earl of Moray 
affirmed the same, and many other fair promises had been 
given in writing by Lethington himself, as may be seen from 

i Birds. 2 Shrove Tuesday ; the day before Lent. 

3 Extortionate. 4 Satisfaction. 

304 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

the register of the Acts done in the General Assembly. But 
the world can witness how far that, or any other promise by 
her, or in her name, to the Kirk of God, was observed. 

The ministers perceiving all things tend to ruin, 
Lethington discharged their conscience in public and private; 
Servants but they received for their labours hatred and 

indignation. Amongst others, that worthy servant of 
God, Mr. John Craig, speaking against the manifest corruption 
that then declared itself without shame or fear, said, " At one 
time, hypocrites were known by their disguised habits, and we 
had men as monks, and women as nuns ; but now, all things 
are so changed that we cannot discern the earl from the abbot, 
or the nun from such as would be held noblewomen ; so that 
we have got a new order of monks and nuns. But, seeing that 
ye are not ashamed of that unjust profit, would God that 
therewith ye had the cowl of the nun, the veil, yea, and the 
tail joined with all, that so ye might appear in your own 
colours." Their liberty did so provoke the choler of Lething 
ton, that, in open audience, he gave himself to the Devil, if 
ever after that day he should regard what became of ministers. 
He should do what he could that his companions should have 
a skair 1 with him ; " and let them bark and blow," said he, 
" as loud as they list." That was the second time that he had 
given his defiance to the servants of God. 

Hereupon rose whispering and complaints by the 
Courtiers flatterers f the Court. Men were not charitably 
Kirk the handled, said they : " Might not sins be reproved in 

general, albeit men were not so specially taxed, that 
all the world might know of whom the preacher spake ? " To 
this the answer was made, " Let men be ashamed to offend 
publicly, and the ministers shall abstain from specialities ; but 
so long as Protestants are not ashamed manifestly to act 
against the Evangel of Jesus Christ, so long cannot the 
ministers of God cease to cry that God will be revenged upon 
such abusers of His holy Word." Thus had the servants of 
God a double battle; fighting upon the one side against the 
idolatry and the rest of the abominations maintained by the 

1 Share (?). 


Queen; and upon the other part, against the un thankfulness 
of such as sometime would have been esteemed the chief 
pillars of the Kirk within the realm. The threatenings of the 
preachers were fearful ; but the Court thought itself in such 
security that it could not miscarry. 

The Queen, after the banqueting, kept a diet by direction 
of Monsieur la Usurie, Frenchman, who had been acquainted 
with her malady before, being her physician. And thereafter, 
for the second time, she made her progresses to the North, 
and commanded the Earl of Caithness to ward in the castle 
of Edinburgh, for a murder committed by his servants upon 
the Earl Marischall s men. He obeyed, but he was speedily 
relieved ; for bloodthirsty men and Papists, such as he is, are 
best subjects to the Queen. " Thy kingdom come, Lord ; 
for in this realm there is nothing (amongst such as should 
punish vice and maintain virtue) but abomination abounding 
without bridle." 

The The flatterers of the Court did daily enrage against 

^ou"? John ^ ie P oor P reacners : happiest was he that could invent 

^ mosfc Bitter taunt s and disdainful mockings of the 
ing ministers. At length they began to jest at the term 

of idolatry, affirming, " That men wist not what they 
spake when they called the Mass idolatry." Yea, some pro 
ceeded further, and feared not at open tables to affirm, that 
they would sustain the argument that the Mass was no idolatry. 
These things coming to the ears of the preachers, were pro 
claimed in the public pulpit of Edinburgh, with this complaint 
directed by the speaker to his God. " Lord, how long shall 
the wicked prevail against the just ! How long shalt Thou 
suffer Thyself and Thy blessed Evangel to be despised of men ; 
of men, we say, that make themselves defenders of the truth. 
Of Thy manifest and known enemies we complain not, but of 
such as unto whom Thou hast revealed Thy light : for now it 
comes to our ears that men, not Papists, but chief Protestants, 
will defend the Mass to be no idolatry. If this were so, Lord, 
miserably have I been deceived, and miserably, alas, Lord, 
have I deceived Thy people ; and that Thou knowest, Lord, 
I have ever abhorred more than a thousand deaths." 


306 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

Turning his face towards the room where sat such men as 
had so affirmed, " If I be not able to prove the Mass to be the 
most abominable idolatry that ever was used since the begin 
ning of the world, I offer myself to suffer the punishment 
appointed by God to a false teacher; and it appears to me 
that the affirmers should be subject to the same law ; for it is 
the truth of God that ye persecute and blaspheme ; and it is 
the invention of the Devil that, obstinately against His Word, 
ye maintain. Albeit ye now flyrt and flyre, 1 as though all 
that were spoken were but wind, yet am I as assured, as I am 
that my God liveth, that some that hear your defection and 
railing against the truth and the servants of God, shall see a 
part of God s judgments poured forth upon this realm, and 
principally upon you that fastest cleave to the favour of the 
Court, for the abominations that are maintained by you." 
Such vehemence provoked the tears of some, yet those men 
that knew themselves guilty said, in a mocking manner, " We 
must recant, and burn our bill, for the preachers are angry." 

The General Assembly, held in June 1564, 
General approaching, to this the great part of those of 
fune^&l : tbe Nobility that are called Protestants, convened; 
some for assistance of the ministers, and some to 
accuse them. ... On the first day of the General Assembly, 
the Courtiers and the Lords that depended upon the Court, 
did not present themselves in session with their brethren. 
Many wondering thereat, an ancient and honourable man, 
the Laird of Lundie, said, "Nay, I wonder not of their 
present absence; but I wonder that, at our last Assembly, 
they drew themselves apart, and joined not with us, but 
drew from us some of our ministers, and willed them to 
conclude such things as were never proponed in the public 
Assembly. That appears to me to be very prejudicial to 
the liberty of the Kirk. My judgment is, therefore, that 
they be informed of this offence, which the whole brethren 
have conceived of their former fault; with humble request 
that, if they be brethren, they will assist their brethren 
with their presence and counsel, for we never had greater 

1 Mock and deride. 


need. If they be minded to fall back from us, it were better 
we knew it now than afterwards." The whole Assembly 
agreed to this, and gave commission to certain brethren to 
signify the minds of the Assembly to the Lords : that was 
done on the same afternoon. 

The At first, the Courtiers seemed not a little offended 

Protestant that they should be suspected of defection : yet, upon 

Courtiers . . , . , 

maintain the morrow, they loined with the Assembly, and 

an inde 
pendent came into it. But they drew themselves apart, as 

they had done before, and entered the Inner Council 
House. There were the Duke s Grace, the Earls Argyll, 
Moray, Morton, Glencairn, Marischall, and Eothes ; the Master 
of Maxwell, Secretary Lethington, the Justice Clerk, the 
Clerk liegister, and the Comptroller, the Laird of Pittarrow. 

After a little consultation, they directed a messenger, 
Mr. George Hay, then called the Minister of the Court, 
requiring the Superintendents, and some of the learned 
ministers, to confer with them. 

The Assembly answered that they had convened to delib 
erate upon the common affairs of the Kirk ; and therefore, that 
they could not lack their superintendents and chief ministers, 
whose judgments were so necessary that, without them, the 
rest should sit as it were idle. They therefore, as before, 
willed them that, if they acknowledged themselves members 
of the Kirk, they would join with the brethren, and propone 
in public such things as they pleased ; and so they should 
have the assistance of the whole in all things that might con 
form to God s commandment. Hurt and slander might arise, 
rather than any profit or comfort to the Kirk, were they to 
send from themselves a portion of their company. For they 
feared that all men should not stand content witli the con 
clusion, where the conference and reasons were only heard by 
a few. 

This answer was not given without cause ; for no small 
travail was made to have drawn some ministers to the faction 
of the courtiers, and to have sustained their arguments and 
opinions. But when it was perceived by the most politic 
amongst them that they could not prevail by that means, they 

308 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

proponed the matter in other terms. Purging themselves first 
that they never meant to divide themselves from the society of 
their brethren, they said that they had certain heads to confer 
with certain ministers; and that, to prevent confusion, they 
thought it more expedient to have the conference before a 
few, rather than in the public audience. The Assembly did 
still reply, that they would not admit secret conference upon 
those heads that must be concluded by a general vote. 

The Lords promised that no conclusion should be taken, 
or yet vote required, until their propositions and the reasons 
should both be heard and considered by the whole Assembly. 
Upon that condition, there were directed to them, with express 
charge to conclude nothing without the knowledge and advice 
of the Assembly, the Laird of Dun, Superintendent of Angus, 
the Superintendents of Lothian and Fife, Mr. John Eow, 
Mr. John Craig, William Christison, and Mr. David Lindsay, 
ministers, with the Eector of St. Andrews, and Mr. George 
Hay. The Superintendent of Glasgow, Mr. John Willock, 
was moderator, and John Knox waited upon the scribe. 
And so they were appointed to sit with the brethren. Be 
cause the principal complaint touched John Knox, he was 
also called for. 

Secretary Lethington began the harangue, which 

Secretary , . , /( , 6 . _. ^ . _ & 

Lethington contained these heads : Jb irst, how much we were 
Attitude of indebted unto God, by whose providence we had 
of the r s liberty of religion under the Queen s Majesty, albeit 
she was not persuaded in it herself: Secondly, how 
necessary a thing it was that the Queen s Majesty, by all 
good offices, so spake lie, of the Kirk, and of the ministers 
principally, should be retained in the constant opinion that 
they unfeignedly favoured her advancement, and procured 
her subjects to have a good opinion of her: And, lastly, 
how dangerous a thing it was that ministers should be 
noted to disagree one from another, in form of prayer for 
Her Majesty, or in doctrine concerning obedience to Her 
Majesty s authority. " And in these two last heads," said he, 
" we desire you all to be circumspect ; but especially we must 
crave of you, our brother, John Knox, to moderate yourself, as 


well in form of praying for the Queen s Majesty, as in doctrine 
that ye propone touching her estate and obedience. Neither 
shall ye take this," said he, " as spoken to your reproach, 
quiet, nevus intcrdum in corpore pulckro, but because others by 
your example may imitate the like liberty, albeit not with the 
same modesty and foresight ; and wise men do foresee the 
opinion that may engender in the people s heads." 

John Knox. If sucli as fear God have occasion 
nutation" ^ praise Him because idolatry is maintained, the 
johnllnox servants of God are depised, wicked men are placed 
Secretary. a g am ^ honour and authority, and, finally, because 
vice and impiety overflow this whole realm without 
punishment, then have we occasion to rejoice and to praise 
God. But if those and the like actions are wont to provoke 
God s vengeance against realms and nations, then, in my 
judgment, the godly within Scotland ought to lament and 
mourn ; and so to prevent l God s judgments, lest He, finding 
all in a like security, strike in His hot indignation, perchance 
beginning at such as think they offend not. 

Lethington. That is a head wherein ye and I never agreed ; 
for how are ye able to prove that ever God struck or plagued 
a nation or people for the iniquity of their prince, if they 
themselves lived godly? 

Knox. I looked, my Lord, to have audience, until I had 
absolved the other two parts ; but seeing that it pleases your 
Lordship to cut me off before the midst, I will answer your 
question. The Scripture of God teaches me that Jerusalem 
and Judah were punished for the sin of Manasseh ; and if 
ye will allege that they were punished because they were 
wicked, and offended with their king, and not because their 
king was wicked, I answer that, albeit the Spirit of God 
makes for me, saying in express words, " For the sin of 
Manasseh," yet will I not be so obstinate as to lay the 
whole sin, and the plagues that followed, upon the king, and 
utterly absolve the people. I will grant you that the whole 
people offended with the king : but how, and in what fashion, 
I fear that ye and I shall not agree. I doubt not but that the 

1 Anticipate. 

310 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

great multitude accompanied him in all the abominations 
which he did ; for idolatry and a false religion have ever 
been, are, and will be pleasing to the most part of men. To 
affirm that all Judah committed really the acts of his impiety, 
is but to affirm that which neither has certainty, nor yet 
appearance of truth. Who can think it possible that all 
those of Jerusalem should so shortly turn to external idolatry, 
considering the notable reformation in the days of Hezekiah, a 
short time before ? But yet, the text says, " Manasseh made 
Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem to err." True it is ; 
for the one part willingly followed him in his idolatry, and 
the other, by reason of his authority, suffered him to defile 
Jerusalem, and the temple of God, with all abominations. 
So were they all criminal for his sin ; the one by act and 
deed, the other by suffering and permission. Even so, all 
Scotland is guilty this day of the Queen s idolatry, and ye, 
my Lords, especially, above all others. 

Lethington. Well, that is the chief head wherein we never 
agreed ; but of that we shall speak hereafter. What will ye 
say as touching the moving of the people to have a good 
opinion of the Queen s Majesty, and as concerning obedience 
to be given to her authority, as also of the form of the prayer 
which commonly ye use, and so on ? 

Knox. My Lord, a good conscience will not suffer me to 
move the people more earnestly, or to pray otherwise than 
heretofore I have done. He who knows the secrets of hearts 
knows that, privately and publicly, I have called to God for 
the Queen s conversion, and have willed the people to do the 
same, showing them the dangerous estate wherein not only she 
herself stands, but also the whole realm, by the reason of her 
indurate blindness. 

Lctliington. That is exactly wherein we find greatest 
fault. Your extremity against the Queen s Mass, in parti 
cular, passes measure. Ye call her a slave to Satan ; ye 
affirm that God s vengeance hangs over the realm by reason 
of her impiety; and what is this else but to rouse up the 
heart of the people against Her Majesty, and against them 
that serve her ? 


There was heard an exclamation from the rest of the 
flatterers that such extremity could not profit. The Master 
of Maxwell said in plain words, " If I were in the Queen s 
Majesty s place, I would not suffer such things as I hear." 

Knox. If the words of preachers shall always be wrested 
to the worst construction, then will it be hard to speak of 
anything so circumspectly (provided that the truth be spoken) 
that it shall not escape the censure of the calumniator. The 
most vehement, and, as ye put it, excessive manner of prayer 
that I use in public is this, " Lord, if it be Thy pleasure, 
purge the heart of the Queen s Majesty from the venom of 
idolatry, and deliver her from the bondage and thraldom of 
Satan in which she has been brought up, and yet remains, for 
the lack of true doctrine ; and let her see, by the illumination 
of Thy Holy Spirit, that there is no means to please Thee but 
by Jesus Christ, Thy only Son, and that Jesus Christ cannot 
be found but in Thy holy Word, nor yet received but as it 
prescribes ; which is, to renounce our own wisdom and pre 
conceived opinion, and worship Thee as Thou commandest ; 
that in so doing she may avoid that eternal damnation which 
abides all who are obstinate and impenitent unto the end ; 
and that this poor realm may also escape that plague and 
vengeance which inevitably follow idolatry, maintained against 
Thy manifest Word and the open light thereof." This, said 
he, is the form of my common prayer, as yourselves can 
witness. Now, I would hear what is worthy of reprehension 
in it. 

Lethington. There are three things that I never liked. 
The first is that ye pray for the Queen s Majesty with a 
condition, saying, " Illuminate her heart, if it be Thy good 
pleasure." It may appear from these words that ye doubt 
of her conversion. Where have ye the example of such 
prayer ? 

Knox. Wheresoever the examples are, I am assured of 
the rule, which is this, If we shall ask anything according to 
His will, He shall hear us; and our Master, Christ Jesus, 
commanded us to pray unto our Father, " Thy will be 

312 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

Lethington. But where do ye ever find one of the Prophets 
so to have prayed ? 

Knox. It sufficeth me, my Lord, that the Master and 
Teacher of both Prophets and Apostles has taught me so to 

Lethington. But, in so doing, ye put a doubt in the 
people s head concerning her conversion. 

Knox. Not I, my Lord. Her own obstinate rebellion 
causes more than me to doubt of her conversion. 
Lethington. Wherein rebels she against God ? 
Knox. In all the actions of her life, but in these two 
heads especially ; firstly, she will not hear the preaching of 
the blessed Evangel of Jesus Christ ; and, secondly, she main 
tains that idol, the Mass. 

Lethington. She does not think that rebellion, but good 

Knox. So thought they that at one time offered their 
children to Moloch ; and yet the Spirit of God affirms that 
they offered them unto devils, and not unto God. This day 
the Turks think they have a better religion than that of the 
Papists. I think ye will excuse neither of them from com 
mitting rebellion against God : nor can ye justly excuse the 
Queen, unless ye make God to be partial. 

Lethington. But yet, why pray ye not for her, without 
moving any doubt ? 

Knox. Because I have learned to pray in faith. Now T 
faith, ye know, depends upon the words of God, and the Word 
teaches me that prayers profit the sons and daughters of God s 
election. Whether she be one of these or not, I have just 
cause to doubt ; and, therefore, I pray God " illuminate her 
heart," if it be His good pleasure. 

Lethington. But yet ye can produce the example of none 
that so has prayed before you. 

Knox. I have already answered that ; but yet, for further 

declaration, I will demand a question. Do ye think that the 

Apostles prayed themselves as they commanded others to pray ? 

" Who doubts of that ? " said the whole company that were 



Knox. Well then, I am assured that Peter said these 
words to Simon Magus, " Eepent therefore of this thy wicked 
ness, and pray to God, that, if it be possible, the thought of 
your heart may be forgiven thee." Here we may plainly see 
that Peter joins a condition with his commandment that 
Simon should repent and pray, to wit, if it were possible 
that his sin might be forgiven ; for he was not ignorant that 
some sins were unto the death, and so without all hope of 
repentance or remission. Think ye not, my Lord Secretary, 
there may touch my heart, concerning the Queen s conversion, 
the same doubt that then touched the heart of the Apostle ? 

Lethington. I would never hear you or any other call that 
in doubt. 

Knox. But your will is no assurance to my conscience. 
And, to speak freely, my Lord, I wonder if ye yourself doubt 
not of the Queen s conversion ; for more evident signs of 
induration l have appeared, and still do appear in her, than 
outwardly Peter could have espied in Simon Magus. Albeit 
at one time he had been a sorcerer, he joined with the 
Apostles, believed, and was baptized; and albeit the venom 
of avarice remained in his heart, and he would have bought 
the Holy Ghost, yet, when he heard the fearful threatenings 
of God pronounced against him, he trembled, desired the 
assistance of the prayers of the Apostles, and humbled himself 
like a true penitent, so far as the judgment of man could 
pierce, and yet we see that Peter doubted of his conversion. 
Why then may not all the godly justly doubt of the conversion 
of the Queen, who has practised idolatry (which is no less 
odious in the sight of God than is the other) and still continues 
in the same, yea, who despises all threatenings, and refuses all 
godly admonitions ? 

Lethington. Why say ye that she refuses admonition? 
She will gladly hear any man. 

Knox. But what obedience, to God or to His Word, ensues 
of all that is spoken to her 1 Or when shall she be seen to give 
her presence to the public preaching ? 

Lethington. I think never, so long as she is thus treated. 
1 Hardening. 

314 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

Knox. And so long ye and all others must be content that 
I pray, so that I may be assured of being heard by my God, 
that His good will may be done, either in making her comfort 
able to His Kirk, or, if He has appointed her to be a scourge 
to it, that we may have patience, and she may be bridled. 

Lethington. Well let us come to the second head. Where 
find ye that the Scripture calls any the bond slaves to Satan ? 
or that the Prophets of God speak so irreverently of kings and 
princes ? 

Knox. The Scripture says, that " by nature we are all the 
sons of wrath." Our Master, Christ Jesus, affirms, that " such 
as do sin are servants to sin," and that it is the only Son of 
God that sets men at freedom. Now, what difference there is 
betwixt the sons of wrath, and the servants of sin, and the 
slaves to the Devil, I understand not, except I be taught. If 
the sharpness of the term offend you, I have not invented that 
phrase of speech, but have learned it out of God s Scripture ; 
for those words I find spoken unto Paul, " Behold, I send thee 
to the Gentiles, to open their eyes, that they may turn from 
darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God." 
Mark these words, my Lord, and sturr not at the speaking of 
the Holy Ghost. The same Apostle, writing to his scholar 
Timothy, says, " Instruct with meekness those that are contrary 
minded, if God at any time will give them repentance, that 
they may know the truth, and that they may come to amend 
ment, out of the snare of the Devil, which are taken of him at 
his will." If your Lordship rightly considers these sentences, 
ye shall not only find my words to be the words of the Holy 
Ghost, but also that the condition which I use to add, has the 
assurance of God s Scriptures. 

Lethington. But they spake nothing against kings in 
especial, and yet your continual crying is, "The Queen s 
idolatry, the Queen s Mass, will provoke God s vengeance ! " 

Knox. In the former sentences I hear not kings and 
queens excepted, but all unfaithful are pronounced to stand 
in one rank, and to be in bondage to one tyrant, the Devil. 
But belike, my Lord, ye little regard the estate wherein they 
stand, when ye would have them so flattered, that the danger 


thereof should neither be known nor declared to the poor 

Lethington. Where will ye find that any of the Prophets 
did so entreat kings and queens, rulers or magistrates ? 

Knox. In more places than one. Ahab was a king, and 
Jezebel was a queen, and yet of what the Prophet Elijah said 
to the one and to the other, I suppose ye are not ignorant ? 

Lethington. That was not cried out before the people to 
make them odious to their subjects. 

Knox. That Elijah said, "Dogs shall lick the blood of 
Ahab, and eat the flesh of Jezebel," the Scriptures assure me ; 
but I read not that it was whispered in their own ear, or in a 
corner. The plain contrary appears to me. That is, both the 
people and the Court understood well enough what the Prophet 
had promised ; for so witnessed Jehu, after God s vengeance 
had stricken Jezebel. 

Lethington. They were singular motions of the Spirit of 
God, and appertain nothing to this our age. 

Knox. Then the Scripture has far deceived me, for 
St. Paul teaches me that, " Whatsoever is written within the 
Holy Scriptures, is written for our instruction." And my 
Master said that " Every learned and wise scribe brings forth 
his treasure, both things old and things new." And the 
Prophet Jeremiah affirms that " Every realm and every city 
that likewise offends, as then did Jerusalem, should likewise be 
punished." Why then, I neither see nor yet can understand 
that the acts of the ancient Prophets, and the fearful judg 
ments of God executed before us upon the disobedient, 
appertain not unto this our age. But now, to put an end to 
this head, my Lord, the Prophets of God have not spared to 
rebuke wicked kings, as well to their face as before the people 
and subjects. Elisha feared not to say to King Jehoram, 
" What have I to do with thee ? Get thee to the prophets of 
thy father, and to the prophets of thy mother ; for as the Lord 
of Hosts lives, in whose sight I stand, if it were not that 
I regard the presence of Jehoshaphat, the King of Judah, 
I would not have looked toward thee nor seen thee." It is 
plain that the Prophet was a subject in the kingdom of Israel, 

316 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

and yet how little reverence he gives to the King. Jeremiah 
the Prophet was commanded to cry to the King and to the 
Queen, and to say, "Behave yourselves lawfully; execute 
justice and judgment; or else your carcases shall be cast to 
the heat of the day, and unto the frost of the night." Unto 
Coniah, Shallum, and Zedekiah, he speaks in special, and 
shows to them, in his public sermons, their miserable ends ; 
and therefore ye ought not to think it strange, my Lord, that 
the servants of God mark the vice of kings and queens, as well 
as of other offenders, and that because their sins are more 
noisome to the commonwealth than are the sins of inferior 

For the most part of this reasoning, Secretary Lethington 
leaned upon the Master of Maxwell s breast, who said, " I am 
almost weary : I would that some other would reason in the 
chief head, which is not touched." 

The Earl of Morton, Chancellor, commanded Mr. George 
Hay to reason against John Knox, in the head of obedience 
due unto magistrates ; and he began so to do. 

Knox. Brother, I am well content that ye reason with 
me, because I know you to be both a man of learning and of 
modesty: but that ye shall oppose yourself to a truth of 
which, I suppose, your own conscience is no less persuaded 
than is mine, I cannot well approve. I would be sorry that 
you and I should be reputed to reason as two scholars of 
Pythagoras, to show the quickness of our imagination. I 
protest here, before God, that, whatsoever I sustain, I do the 
same of conscience ; yea, I dare no more sustain a proposition 
known unto myself untrue, than dare I teach false doctrine in 
the public place. There i ore, Brother, if conscience move you 
to oppose yourself to that doctrine which ye have heard from 
my mouth in that matter, do it boldly : it shall never offend 
me. But it pleases me not that ye be found to oppose yourself 
to me, if ye are persuaded in the same truth. In that there 
may be greater inconvenience than either ye or I do consider 
for the present. 

Hay. Far be it from me to prove myself willing to 
impugn or confute that head of doctrine, which not only ye, 


but many others, yea, and I myself have affirmed ; for so 
should I be found contrarious to myself. My Lord Secretary 
knows my judgment in that head. 

Letliington. Marry ; ye are well the worse of the two. I 
remember well your reasoning when the Queen was in Carrick. 

Knox. Well, seeing, Brother, that God has made you 
occupy the chair of truth, in which, I am sure, we will agree 
in all principal heads of doctrine, let it never be said that we 
disagree in disputation. 

John Knox was moved thus to speak, because he under 
stood more of the craft than the other did. 

Lethington. Well, I am persuaded in this last head some 
what better than I was in the other two. Mr. Knox, yesterday 
we heard your judgment upon the 13th to the Eomans; we 
heard the mind of the Apostle well opened : we heard the causes 
why God has established powers upon the earth ; we heard the 
necessity that mankind has of the same; and we heard the 
duty of magistrates sufficiently declared ; but in two things 
I was offended, and so I think were some more of my Lords 
that were then present. The one was that ye made difference 
betwixt the ordinance of God and the persons that were 
placed in authority ; and ye affirmed that men might refuse 
the persons, and yet not offend against God s ordinance. 
This is the one; the other ye had no time to explain; but 
methought ye meant this, that subjects were not bound to 
obey their princes if they commanded unlawful things; but 
that they might resist their princes, and were never bound to 

Knox. In very deed ye have rightly both marked my 
words, and understood my mind ; for I have long been of that 
same judgment, and so I yet remain. 

Letliington. How will ye prove your division and differ 
ence, and that the person placed in authority may be resisted, 
and God s ordinance not transgressed, seeing that the Apostle 
says, " He that resists the powers, resisteth the ordinance of 

Knox. My Lord, the plain words of the Apostle make the 
difference, and the acts of many approved by God prove my 

318 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

affirmative. First, the Apostle affirms that the powers are 
ordained of God for the preservation of quiet and peaceable 
men, and for the punishment of malefactors. From this it is 
plain that the ordinance of God and the power given unto men 
is one thing, and the person clad with the power or with the 
authority is another. God s ordinance is the conservation of 
mankind, the punishment of vice, and the maintaining of 
virtue, which is in itself holy, just, constant, stable, and 
perpetual. But men clad with the authority are commonly 
profane and unjust ; yea, they are mutable and transitory, and 
subject to corruption. God threateneth them by His Prophet 
David, saying, " I have said ye are gods, and every one of you 
the sons of the Most Highest ; but ye shall die as men, and 
the princes shall fall like others." Here I am assured that 
persons, the soul and body of wicked princes, are threatened 
with death : I think that ye will not affirm that so also are 
the authority, the ordinance and the power, wherewith God 
has endued such persons ; for, as I have said, as it is holy, so 
is it the permanent will of God. Now, my Lord, it is evident 
that the prince may be resisted, and yet the ordinance of God 
not violated. The people resisted Saul, when he had sworn by 
the living God that Jonathan should die. The people, I say, 
swore to the contrary, and delivered Jonathan, so that not a 
hair of his head fell. Now, Saul was the anointed king, and 
they were his subjects, and yet they so resisted him that they 
made him no better than mansworn. 1 

Lethington. I doubt if in so doing the people did well. 

Knox. The Spirit of God accuses them not of any crime, 
but rather praises them, and condemns the king, as well for 
his foolish vow and law made without God, as for his cruel 
mind, that would have punished an innocent man so severely. 
I shall not stand entirely upon this : what follows shall 
confirm it. This same Saul commanded Abimelech and the 
priests of the Lord to be slain, because they had committed 
treason, as he alleged, for intercommuning with David. His 
guard and principal servants would not obey his unjust com 
mandment ; but Doeg, the flatterer, put the king s cruelty to 

1 Perjured. 


execution. I will not ask your judgment whether the servants 
of the king, in not obeying his commandment, resisted God or 
not ; or whether Doeg, in murdering the priests, gave obedience 
to a just authority. I have the Spirit of God, speaking by the 
mouth of David, to assure me of the one as well as of the 
other ; for he, in his fifty-second Psalrn, condemns that act as 
a most cruel murder; and affirms that God will punish not 
only the commander but the merciless executor. I conclude 
that they who gainstood his commandment resisted not the 
ordinance of God. 

And now, my Lord, to answer to the statement of the 
Apostle, where he affirms that such as resist the power resist 
the ordinance of God, I say that the power in that place is 
not to be understood to be the unjust commandment of men, 
but the just power wherewith God has armed His magistrates 
and lieutenants to punish sin and maintain virtue. If any 
man enterprise to take from the hands of a lawful judge a 
murderer, an adulterer, or any other malefactor that by God s 
law deserves death, this same man resists God s ordinance, and 
procures to himself vengeance and condemnation, because he 
has stayed God s sword from striking. But this is not the 
case if men, in the fear of God, oppose themselves to the fury 
and blind rage of princes ; in doing so, they do not resist God, 
but the Devil, who abuses the sword and authority of God. 

Lcthinyton. I sufficiently understand what ye mean ; and 
to the one part I will not oppose myself. But I doubt of the 
other. If the Queen commanded me to slay John Knox, 
because she is offended at him, I would not obey her. But, 
were she to command others to do it, or by a colour of justice 
to take his life from him, I cannot tell if I should be found to 
defend him against the Queen and against her officers. 

Knox. Under protestation that the audience think not 
that I seek favours for myself, my Lord, I say that, if ye be 
persuaded of my innocency, and if God has given you such 
power and credit as might deliver me, and yet you suffered me 
to perish, in so doing you should be criminal, and guilty of my 

Lethington. Prove that, and win the play. 

320 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

Knox. Well, my Lord, remember your promise, and I 
shall be short in my probation. The Prophet Jeremiah was 
apprehended by the priests and prophets, who were a part of 
the authority within Jerusalem, and by the multitude of the 
people, and this sentence was pronounced against him, " Thou 
shalt die the death ; for thou hast said, this house shall be 
like Shiloh, and this city shall be desolate without inhabitant." 
The princes, hearing the uproar, came from the king s house, 
and sat down in judgment in the entry of the new gate of the 
Lord s House, and there the priests and the prophets, before 
the princes, and before all the people, stated their accusation 
in these words, "This man is worthy to die, for he has 
prophesied against this city, as your ears have heard." 
Jeremiah answered that whatsoever he had spoken proceeded 
from God ; and therefore said he, " As for me, I am in your 
hands : do with me as ye think good and right. But know ye 
for certain that, if ye put me to death, ye shall surely bring 
innocent blood upon your souls, and upon this city, and upon 
the habitations thereof ; for of truth the Lord has sent me to 
you, to speak all these words." Now, my Lord, if the prophets 
and the whole people should have been guilty of the Prophet s 
blood, how shall ye or others be judged innocent before God, 
if ye suffer the blood of such as have not deserved death to be 
shed when ye may save it ? 

Lethington. The cases are nothing like. 

Knox. I would like to learn wherein the dissimilitude 

Lethington. First, the king had not condemned him to 
death. And next, the false prophets and the priests and 
the people accused him without a cause, and therefore they 
could not but be guilty of his blood. 

Knox. Neither of these fights against my argument ; for, 
albeit the king was neither present, nor yet had condemned 
him, the princes and chief councillors were there sitting in 
judgment. They represented the king s person and authority, 
hearing the accusation laid to the charge of the Prophet. 
Therefore he forewarns them of the danger, as I have already 
said, that, if he should be condemned and put to death, the 


king, the council, and the whole city of Jerusalem should be 
guilty of his blood, because he had committed no crime worthy 
of death. If ye think that they should all have been criminal, 
only because they all accused him, the plain text witnesses the 
contrary. The princes defended him, and so no doubt did a 
great part of the people ; and yet he boldly affirms that they 
should be all guilty of his blood if he should be put to death. 
The Prophet Ezekiel gives the reason why all are guilty of a 
common corruption. He says, " I sought a man amongst them 
that should make up the hedge, and stand in the gap before 
me for the land, that I should not destroy it, but I found none : 
therefore have I poured my indignation upon them." From 
this, my Lord, it is plain that God craves not only that a man 
do no iniquity in his own person, but also that he oppose 
himself to all iniquity, so far as in him lies. 

Lcthington. Then ye will make subjects control their 
princes and rulers. 

Knox. And what harm should the commonwealth receive, 
if the corrupt affections of ignorant rulers were moderated, and 
so bridled by the wisdom and discretion of godly subjects that 
they should do wrong nor violence to no man ? 

Lethington. All this reasoning is not to the purpose ; for 
we reason as if the Queen should become such an enemy to 
our religion, that she should persecute it, and put innocent 
men to death. This, I am assured, she never intended, and 
never will do. If I should see her again of that purpose, yea, 
if I should suspect any such thing in her, I should be as far 
forward in that argument as ye or any other within this realm. 
But there is not such a thing. Our question is, whether we 
may and ought to suppress the Queen s Mass ? Or whether 
her idolatry shall be laid to our charge ? 

Knox. What ye may do by force, I dispute not; but what 
ye may and ought to do by God s express commandment, that 
I can tell. Idolatry ought not only to be suppressed, but the 
idolater ought to die the death, unless we will accuse God. 

Lethington. I know that the idolater is commanded to die 
the death ; but by whom ? 

Knox. By the people of God. The commandment was 


322 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

given to Israel, as ye may read, " Hear, Israel, says the Lord, 
the statutes and the ordinances of the Lord thy God," etc. 
Yea, a commandment was given, that, if it be heard that 
idolatry is committed in any one city, inquisition shall be 
taken ; and, if it be found true, the whole body of the people 
shall then arise and destroy that city, sparing in it neither 
man, w T oman, nor child. 

Lethington. But there is no commandment given to the 
people to punish their king if he be an idolater. 

Knox. I find no privilege to offend God s Majesty granted 
to kings, by God, more than to the people. 

Lethington. I grant that ; but yet the people may not be 
judges to their king to punish him, albeit he be an idolater. 

Knox. God is the Universal Judge, as well of the king as 
of the people. What His Word commands to be punished in 
the one, is not to be absolved in the other. 

Lethington. We agree in that; but the people may not 
execute God s judgment. They must leave it to Himself. 
He will either punish it by death, by war, by imprisonment, 
or by some other plagues. 

Knox. I know the last part of your reason to be true ; but 
for the first, that the people, yea, or a part of the people, may 
not execute God s judgments against their king, he being an 
offender, I am assured ye have no other warrant except your 
own imagination, and the opinion of such as have more fear to 
offend princes than God. 

Lethington. Why say ye so ? I have the judgments of the 
most famous men within Europe, and of such as ye yourself 
will confess both godly and learned. 

And with that he called for his papers. When these were 
produced by Mr. Eobert Maitland, he began to read with 
great gravity the judgments of Luther, and Melanchthon, 
and the minds of Bucer, Musculus, and Calvin, as to how 
Christians should behave themselves in time of persecution : 
yea, the Book of Baruch was not omitted. 

Lethington. The gathering of these things has cost more 
travail than I have taken these seven years in the reading 
of commentaries. 


Knox. The more pity; and yet, let others judge what 
ye have profited your own cause. As for my argument, I am 
assured ye have weakened it in nothing; for your first two 
witnesses speak against the Anabaptists, who deny that 
Christians should be subject to magistrates, or that it is lawful 
for a Christian to be a magistrate. That opinion I no less 
abhor than ye do, or than does any other that lives. The 
others speak of Christians subject to tyrants and infidels, so 
dispersed that they have no other force but only to sob to God 
for deliverance. That such, indeed, should hazard any further 
than these godly men direct them, I cannot hastily counsel. 
But my argument has another ground; for I speak of the 
people assembled together in one body of one commonwealth, 
to whom God has given sufficient force, not only to resist, but 
also to suppress all kind of open idolatry. Such a people, I 
affirm yet again, are bound to keep their land clean and 

That this my division shall not appear strange to you, 
ye should understand that God required one thing of Abra 
ham and of his seed, when he and they were strangers 
and pilgrims in Egypt and Canaan ; and another thing 
when they were delivered from the bondage of Egypt, and 
the possession of the land of Canaan was granted to them. 
At the first, and during all the time of their bondage, God 
craved no more than that Abraham should not defile himself 
with idolatry. Neither was he nor his posterity commanded to 
destroy the idols that were in Canaan or in Egypt. But when 
God gave them the possession of the land, He gave them this 
strait commandment, " Beware lest ye make league or con 
federacy with the inhabitants of this land : give not thy sons 
unto their daughters, nor yet give thy daughters unto their 
sons. But this shall ye do unto them, cut down their groves, 
destroy their images, break down their altars, and leave thou 
no kind of remembrance of those abominations, which the 
inhabitants of the land used before : for thou art a people holy 
unto the Lord thy God. Defile not thyself, therewith, with 
their gods." 

Ye, my Lords, and all such as have professed the Lord 

324 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

Jesus within this realm, are bound to this same commandment. 
God has wrought no less miracle upon you, both spiritual and 
corporal, than He did upon the carnal seed of Abraham. For 
you yourselves cannot be ignorant in what estate your bodies 
and this poor realm were, not seven years ago. You and it 
were both in bondage to a strange nation ; and what tyrants 
reigned over your conscience, God perchance may let you feel, 
because ye do not rightly acknowledge the benefit received. 
When our poor brethren before us gave their bodies to the 
flames of fire for the testimony of the truth, and when scarcely 
ten that rightly knew God could be found in a country-side, it 
would have been foolishness to have craved the suppressing 
of idolatry, either by the Nobility, or by the humble subjects. 
That would have done nothing but expose the simple sheep as 
a prey to the wolves. But since God has multiplied knowledge, 
and has given the victory to His truth, even in the hands of 
His servants, if ye suffer the land again to be defiled, ye and 
your Princess shall both drink the cup of God s indignation- 
she for her obstinate abiding in manifest idolatry in the great 
light of the Evangel of Jesus Christ, and ye for your permitting 
and maintaining her in it. 

Lcthington. In that point we will never agree ; and where 
find ye, I pray you, that any of "the Prophets or of the Apostles 
ever taught such a doctrine as that the people should be 
plagued for the idolatry of the prince ; or that the subjects 
might suppress the idolatry of their rulers, or punish them for 
the same ? 

Knox. My Lord, we know what was the commission given 
to the Apostles. It was to preach and plant the Evangel of 
Jesus Christ where darkness had dominion before ; and there 
fore it behoved them, first, to let them see the light before they 
should urge them to put to their hands to suppress idolatry. 
I will not affirm what precepts the Apostles gave to the 
faithful in particular, other than that they commanded all to 
flee from idolatry. But I find two things which the faithful 
did; the one was, they assisted their preachers, even against 
the rulers and magistrates; the other was, they suppressed 
idolatry wherever God gave them force, asking no leave of the 


Emperor, or of his deputies. Read the Ecclesiastical History, 
and ye shall find sufficient example. As to the doctrine of the 
Prophets, we know they were interpreters of the law of God ; 
and we know they spake to the kings as well as to the people. 
I read that neither would hear them ; and therefore came the 
plague of God upon both. But I cannot be persuaded that 
they flattered kings more than the people. 

As I have said, God s laws pronounce sentence of death 
upon idolatry, without exception of any person. Idolatry is 
never alone ; ever does it corrupt religion, and bring with it a 
filthy and corrupt life. How the Prophets could rightly inter 
pret the law, and show the causes of God s judgments, which 
they ever threatened should follow idolatry, and the rest of 
abominations that accompany it how they could reprove the 
vices, and not show the people their duty, I understand not. 
Therefore, I constantly believe that the doctrine of the Prophets 
was so sensible that the kings understood their own abomina 
tions, and the people understood what they ought to have done 
in punishing and repressing them. But because the most part 
of the people were no less rebellious to God than were their 
princes, the one and the other convened against God and 
against His servants. And yet, my Lord, the acts of some 
Prophets are so evident, that we may collect from them what 
doctrine they taught ; for it were no small absurdity to affirm 
that their acts should repugn to their doctrine. 

Lethington. I think ye refer to the history of Jehu. What 
will ye prove thereby ? 

Knox. The chief head that ye deny and I affirm that the 
Prophets never taught that it appertained to the people to 
punish the idolatry of their kings. For the probation, I am 
ready to produce the act of a Prophet. Ye know, my Lord, 
that Elisha sent one of the children of the Prophets to anoint 
Jehu, who gave him commandment to destroy the house of his 
master Ahab for the idolatry committed by him, and for the 
innocent blood that Jezebel his wicked wife had shed. He 
obeyed, and put this into full execution ; and for this God 
promised him the stability of the kingdom, to the fourth 
generation. Here is the act of one Prophet that proves that 

326 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

subjects were commanded to execute judgments upon their 
king and prince. 

Letliington. There is enough to be answered thereto. Jehu 
was a king before he put anything in execution ; and besides, 
the act is extraordinary, and not to be imitated. 

Knox. My Lord, he was a mere subject and no king, when 
the Prophet s servant came to him ; yea, and albeit his fellow- 
captains, hearing of the message, blew the trumpet, and said, 
"Jehu is king;" I doubt not that Jezebel both thought and 
said he was a traitor. So did many others that were in Israel 
and in Samaria. And as touching what ye allege that the 
act was extraordinary, and is not to be imitated I say that 
it had ground upon God s ordinary judgment, which commands 
the idolater to die the death. Therefore, I yet again affirm 
that it is to be imitated by all those that prefer the true 
honour, the true worship, and the glory of God to the affec 
tions of flesh, and of wicked princes. 

Letliington. We are not bound to imitate extraordinary 
examples, unless we have the like commandment and assur 

Knox. I grant that, if the example repugn to the law, 
and if an avaricious and deceitful man desired to borrow gold, 
silver, raiment, or any other necessaries from his neighbour, 
and withhold the same, he might allege that he might do so 
and not offend God, because the Israelites did so to the 
Egyptians, at their departure from Egypt. The example 
would serve no purpose unless the like cause, and the like 
commandment to that which the Israelites had, could be 
produced ; because, their act repugned to this commandment 
of God, " Thou shalt not steal." But where the example 
agrees with the law, and is, as it were, the execution of 
God s judgments expressed in it, I say that the example 
approved by God stands to us in place of a commandment. 
God of His nature is constant, and immutable; He cannot 
condemn in the subsequent ages that which He has approved 
in His servants before us. In His servants before us, by 
His own commandment. He has approved when subjects have 
not only destroyed their kings for idolatry, but also rooted 


out their whole posterity, so that none of that race were 
afterwards left to empire over the people of God. 

Lethington. Whatsoever they did was done at God s 

Knox. That fortifies my argument. You admit that sub 
jects punish their princes by God s commandment for idolatry 
and wickedness committed by them. 

Lethington. We have not the like commandment. 

Knox. That I deny. The commandment, " The idolater 
shall die the death," is perpetual, as ye yourself have granted. 
You doubted only who should be executors against the king ; 
and I said the people of God. I have sufficiently proven, I 
think, that God has raised up the people, and by His Prophet 
has anointed a king to take vengeance upon the king and upon 
his posterity. Since that time, God has never retreated 1 that 
act ; and, therefore, to me it remains for a constant and clean 
commandment to all people professing God, and having the 
power to punish vice, as to what they ought to do in the like 
case. If the people had enterprised anything without God s 
commandment, we might have doubted whether they had done 
well or evil. But, seeing that God did bring the execution of 
His law again into practice, after it had fallen into oblivion 
and contempt, what reasonable man can now doubt of God s 
will, unless we are to doubt of all things which God does not 
renew to us by miracles, as it were, from age to age. I am 
assured that the answer of Abraham to the rich man who, 
being in hell, desired that Lazarus or some of the dead 
should be sent to his brethren and friends, to inform them 
of his incredible pain and torments, and to warn them so to 
behave themselves that they should not come to that place of 
torment that answer shall confound such as crave further 
approbation of God s will than is already expressed within 
His holy Scriptures. Abraham said, " They have Moses and 
the Prophets ; if they will not believe them, neither will they 
believe albeit one of the dead should rise." Even so, my Lord, 
I say that such as will not be taught what they ought to do, 
by commandment of God once given and once put in practice, 

1 Repudiated ; withdrawn. 

328 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

will not believe or obey, albeit God should send angels from 
heaven to instruct that doctrine. 

Lethington. Ye have but produced one example. 

Knox. One sufficeth. But, God be praised, we do not 
lack others. The whole people conspired against Amaziah, 
king of Judah, after he had turned away from the Lord, 
followed him to Lachish and slew him, and took Uzziah and 
anointed him king instead of his father. The people had not 
altogether forgotten the league and covenant made betwixt 
their king and them, at the inauguration of Joash, his father, 
that the king and the people should be the people of the Lord, 
and then should they be his faithful subjects. When first the 
father, and afterwards the son, declined from that covenant, 
they were both punished to the death, Joash by his own 
servants, and Amaziah by the whole people. 

Lethington. I doubt whether they did well or not. 

Knox. It shall be free for you to doubt as ye please ; but 
where I find execution according to God s laws, and God 
Himself does not accuse the doers, I dare not doubt of the 
equity of the cause. Further, it appears to me that God gave 
sufficient approbation and allowance to their act; for He 
blessed them with victory, peace, and prosperity, for the space 
of fifty -two years thereafter. 

Lethington. But prosperity does not always prove that 
God approves the acts of men. 

Knox. Yes ; when the acts of men agree with the law of 
God, and are rewarded according to God s own promise, ex 
pressed in His law, I say that the prosperity succeeding the 
act is most infallible assurance that God has approved that 
act. God has promised in His law that, when His people 
shall exterminate and destroy such as decline from Him, He 
will bless them, and multiply them, as He has promised to 
their fathers. Amaziah turned from God ; for so the text 
doth witness ; and it is plain that the people slew their king ; 
and it is as plain that God blessed them. Therefore, yet again 
I conclude that God approved their act, and it, in so far as it 
was done according to His commandment, was blessed accord 
ing to His promise. 


Lethington. Well, I think the ground is not so sure that I 
durst build my conscience thereupon. 

Knox. I pray God that your conscience have no worse 
ground than this, whenever ye shall begin work like that 
which God, before your own eyes, has already blessed. And 
now, my Lord, I have but one example to produce, and then I 
will put an end to my reasoning, because I weary of standing. 
(Commandment was given that he should sit down ; but he 
refused it, and said, " Melancholious reasons would have some 
mirth intermixed.") My last example, my Lord, is this, Uzziah 
the king, not content of his royal estate, malapertly took upon 
him to enter within the temple of the Lord, to burn incense 
upon the altar of incense ; and Azariah the priest went in after 
him, and with him fourscore priests of the Lord, valiant men. 
These withstood Uzziah the king, and said to him, "It per- 
taineth thee not, Uzziah, to burn incense unto the Lord, but 
to the priests, the sons of Aaron, that are consecrated to offer 
incense. Go forth of the sanctuary, for thou hast transgressed, 
and you shall have no honour of the Lord God." From this, 
my Lord, I conclude that subjects not only may, but ought to 
withstand and resist their princes, whenever they do anything 
that expressly repugns to God s law or holy ordinance. 

Lethington. They that withstood the king were not simple 
subjects. They were the priests of the Lord, and figures of 
Christ. We have none such priests this day, to withstand 
kings if they do wrong. 

Knox. I grant that the High Priest was the figure of 
Christ, but I deny that he was not a subject. I am assured 
that he, in his priesthood, had no prerogative above those that 
had gone before him. Now 7 , Aaron was subject unto Moses, 
and called him his lord. Samuel, being both prophet and 
priest, subjected himself to Saul, after he was inaugurated by 
the people. Zadok bowed before David; and Abiathur was 
deposed from the priesthood by Solomon. These all confessed 
themselves subjects to the kings, albeit therewith they ceased 
not to be figures of Christ. Ye say that we have no such 
priests this day, but I might answer that neither have we 
such kings this day as then were anointed at God s com- 

330 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

mandment, and sat upon the seat of David, and were no less 
the figure of Christ Jesus in their just administration, than 
were the priests in their appointed office. Such kings, I am 
assured, we have not now, more than have we such priests. 
Christ Jesus, being anointed in our nature by God, His Father, 
as King, Priest, and Prophet, has put an end to all external 
unction. And yet, I think, ye will not say that God has now 
diminished His graces for those whom He appoints ambassadors 
betwixt Him and His people, more than He does from kings 
and princes. Therefore, I see not why the servants of Jesus 
Christ may not also justly withstand kings and princes that 
this day no less offend God s Majesty than Uzziah did, unless 
ye will say that we, in the brightness of the Evangel, are not 
straitly bound to regard God s glory or His commandments, 
as were the fathers that lived under the dark shadows of the 

Lethington. Well, I will dip no further into that head. 
But how resisted the priests the king ? They only spake to 
him, without further violence intended. 

Knox. That they withstood him, the text assures me ; but 
that they did nothing but speak, I cannot understand. The 
plain text affirms the contrary. They caused him hastily to 
depart from the sanctuary, yea, he was compelled to depart. 
This manner of speaking, I am assured, imports in the Hebrew 
tongue another thing than exhorting, or commanding by word. 

Lethington. They did that after he was espied to be 

Knox. They withstood him before; but their last act 
confirms my proposition so evidently, that such as will oppose 
themselves to it must needs oppose themselves to God. My 
assertion is, that kings have no privilege to offend God s Majesty 
more than had the people ; and that, if they do so, they are 
no more exempted from the punishment of the law than is any 
subject ; yea, and that subjects may not only lawfully oppose 
themselves to their kings, whenever they do anything that 
expressly repugns to God s commandment, but also that they 
may execute judgment upon them according to God s law. If 
the king be a murderer, adulterer, or idolater, he should suffer 



according to God s law, not as a king, but as an offender, and 
this history clearly proves that the people may put God s laws 
into execution. As soon as the leprosy appeared in his forehead, 
he was not only compelled to depart out of the sanctuary, but 
he was also removed from all public society and administration 
of the kingdom, and was compelled to dwell in a house apart, 
even as the law commanded. He got no greater privilege in 
that case than any other of the people should have done ; and 
this was executed by the people ; for there is no doubt that 
more than the priests alone were witnesses of his leprosy. 
We do not find that any oppose themselves to the sentence 
of God pronounced in His law against the leprous; and 
therefore, yet again say I that the people ought to execute 
God s law even against their princes, when their open crimes 
deserve death by God s law, but especially when they are 
such as may infect the rest of the multitude. And now, my 
Lords, I will reason no longer, for I have spoken more than 
1 intended. 

Lethington. And yet I cannot tell what can be concluded. 

Knox. Albeit ye cannot, I am assured of what I have 
proven, to wit: i. That subjects have delivered an innocent 
from the hands of their king, and therein offended not God. 
2. That subjects have refused to strike innocents when a king 
commanded, and in doing so denied no just obedience. 3. That 
such as struck at the commandment of the king before God 
were reputed murderers. 4. That God has not only of one 
subject made a king, but also lias armed subjects against their 
natural kings, and commanded them to take vengeance upon 
them according to His law. 5. That God s people have executed 
God s law against their king, having no further regard to him 
in that behalf, than if he had been the most simple subject 
within this realm. Therefore, albeit ye will not understand 
what should be concluded, I am assured not only that God s 
people may, but also that they are bound to do the same where 
the like crimes are committed, and when He gives unto them 
the like power. 

Lethington. Well, I think ye shall not have many learned 
men of your opinion. 

332 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

Knox. My Lord, the truth ceases not to be the truth, 
howsoever men either misknow it, or yet gainstand it. And 
yet, I praise my God that I lack not the consent of God s 
servants in that head. 

With that, John Knox presented to the Secretary the 
Apology of Magdeburg; and willed him to read the names 
of the ministers who had subscribed the defence of the town 
to be a most just one ; adding, that to resist a tyrant is not 
to resist God, or yet His ordinance. 

When the Secretary had read this, he scripped and 
said, " Homines obscuri." 1 The other answered, " Dei tamen 

So Lethington arose and said, " My Lords, ye have heard 
the reasons upon both sides : it becomes you now to decide, 
and to give an order unto preachers, that they may be uniform 
in doctrine. May we, think ye, take the Queen s Mass from 
her ? " 

While some began to give their votes, for some were 
appointed, as it were, leaders to the rest, John Knox said, 
" My Lords, I suppose that ye will not do contrary to your 
Lordships promise, made to the whole Assembly. This was 
that nothing should be voted in secret, until all matters 
should first be debated in public, and that then the votes 
of the whole Assembly should put an end to the controversy. 
Now have I only sustained the argument, and shown my 
conscience in most simple manner, rather than insisted upon 
the force and vehemence of any one argument. Therefore I, 
for my part, utterly dissent from all voting, until the whole 
Assembly have heard the propositions and the reasons of 
both parties. For I unfeignedly acknowledge that many 
in this company are more able to sustain the argument than 
I am." 

"Think ye it reasonable," said Lethington, "that such a 
multitude as are now convened should reason and vote in these 
heads and matters that concern the Queen s Majesty s own 
person and affairs." 

" I think," said the other, " that, whosoever should bind, 
1 " Men of no note." - " Servants of God, however." 


the multitude should hear, unless they have resigned their 
power to their commissioners. This they have not done, so 
far as I understand; for my Lord Justice Clerk heard them 
say, with one voice, that in nowise would they consent that 
anything should either be voted or concluded here." 

" I cannot tell," said Lethington, " if my Lords that be here 
present, and that bear the burden of such matters, should be 
bound to their will. What say ye, my Lords ? Will ye vote 
in this matter, or will ye not vote ? " 

After long reasoning, some that were made for the purpose 
said, " Why may not the Lords vote, and then show unto the 
Kirk whatsoever is done ? " 

" That appears to me," said John Knox, " not only a 
backward order, but also a tyranny usurped upon the Kirk. 
For me, do as ye list, as I reason, so I vote ; yet I protest, 
as before, that I dissent from all voting, until the whole 
Assembly understand the questions as well as the reasonings." 

" Well," said Lethington. " that cannot be done now, for 
the time is spent: and therefore, my Lord Chancellor, said 
he, ask ye the votes, and take by course every one of the 
ministers, and one of us." 

The Eector of St. Andrews, first commanded to 
and* speak his conscience, said, " I refer to the Superinten- 
discass ers dent of Fife, for I think we are both of one judgment ; 
and yet, if ye will that I speak first, niy conscience is 

Knox s this. If the Queen oppose herself to our religion, 

" er which is the only true religion, the Nobility and 
Estates of this realm, professors of the true doctrine, may 
justly oppose themselves to her. But, as concerning her own 
Mass, albeit I know it is idolatry, I am not yet resolved, 
whether or not we may take it from her by violence." The 
Superintendent of Fife said, " That is my conscience." So also 
affirmed some of the Nobility. But others voted frankly, and 
said that, as the Mass was an abomination, it was just and 
right that it should be suppressed ; and that, in so doing, men 
did no more wrong to the Queen s Majesty than would they 
that should, by force, take from her a poisoned cup when she 
was going to drink it. 

334 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

At last, Mr. John Craig, fellow-minister with John 
Craig s Knox in the Kirk of Edinburgh, was required to give 
his judgment and vote. " I will gladly show to your 
Honours what I understand," he said ; " but I greatly doubt 
whether my knowledge and conscience shall satisfy you, seeing 
that ye have heard so many reasons, and are so little moved 
by them. But yet I shall not conceal from you my judgment, 
adhering first to the protestation of my brother that our 
voting prejudge not the liberty of the General Assembly. I 
was in the University of Bologna in the year of God 1554, 
and there, in the place of the Black Friars of the same town, I 
saw in the time of their General Assembly this conclusion set 
forth. This I heard reasoned, determined, and concluded : 
All rulers, be they supreme or be they inferior, may be and 
ought to be reformed or deposed by them by whom they are 
chosen, confirmed, or admitted to their office, as oft as they 
break that promise made by the oath to their subjects. Princes 
are no less bound by oath to the subjects, than are the subjects 
to their princes, and therefore ought to be kept and reformed 
equally, according to the law and condition of the oath that is 
made by either party. 

" This conclusion, my Lords, I heard sustained and con 
cluded, as I have said, in a most notable auditory. The sus- 
tainer was a learned man, Monsieur Thomas de Finola, the 
Eector of the University, a man famous in that country. 
Magister Vincentius de Placentia affirmed the conclusion to 
be most true and certain, agreeable both with the law of God 
and man. The occasion of this disputation and conclusion 
was a certain disorder and tyranny attempted by the Pope s 
governors. These began to make innovations in the country 
against the laws formerly established, alleging themselves not 
to be subject to such laws, by reason that they were not 
institute l by the people, but by the Pope, who was king of that 
country. They claimed that they, having full commission 
and authority from the Pope, might alter and change statutes 
and ordinances of the country, without any consent of the 
people. Against this usurped tyranny, the learned and the 

1 Placed in authority. 


people opposed themselves openly. When all reasons which 
the Pope s governors could allege were heard and confuted, the 
Pope himself was fain to take up the matter, and to promise, 
not only to keep the liberty of the people, but also that he 
should neither abrogate any law or statute, nor make any new 
law without their own consent. Therefore, my Lord, my vote 
and conscience is, that the princes are not only bound to keep 
laws and promises to their subjects, but also that, in case they 
fail, they may be justly deposed ; for the bond betwixt the 
prince and the people is reciprocal." 

Then started up a clawback of that corrupt Court, and 
said, " Ye wot not what ye say ; for ye tell us what was 
done in Bologna ; we are a kingdom, and they are but a 

" My Lord," said he, " my judgment is, that every kingdom 
is or, at least, should be a commonwealth, albeit every common 
wealth be not a kingdom ; and, therefore, I think that, in a 
kingdom no less than in a commonwealth, diligence ought to 
be taken that laws be not violated. The tyranny of princes 
who continually reign in a kingdom is more hurtful to the 
subjects, than is the misgovernment of those that from year to 
year are changed in free commonwealths. But yet, my Lords, 
to assure you and all others further, that head was disputed 
to the uttermost ; and then, in the end, it was concluded, 
that they spoke not of such things as were done in divers 
kingdoms and nations by tyranny and negligence of people. 
But we conclude/ said they, what ought to be done in all 
kingdoms and commonwealths, according to the law of God, 
and the just laws of man. And if, by the negligence of the 
people, or by the tyranny of princes, contrary laws have been 
made, yet may that same people, or their posterity, justly 
crave all things to be reformed, according to the original insti 
tution of kings and commonwealths ; and such as will not do 
so, deserve to eat the fruit of their own foolishness. " 

Master James Macgill, then Clerk of Register, perceiving 
the votes to be different, and hearing the bold plainness of the 
foresaid servant of God, said, " I remember that this same 
question was long debated once before this in my house, and 

336 BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564 

there, by reason that we were not all of one mind, it was con 
cluded that Mr. Knox should, in all our names, write to Mr. 
Calvin for his judgment in the controversy." 

" Nay," said Mr. Knox, " my Lord Secretary would not 
consent that I should write, alleging that the greatest weight 
of the answer stood in the narrative, and therefore promised 
that he would write, and I should see it. But when, at divers 
times, I required him to remember his promise, I found nothing 
but delay." 

Thereto the Secretary did answer, " True it is, I promised 
to write, and true it is, that divers times Mr. Knox required 
me so to do. But, when I had more deeply considered the 
weight of the matter, I began to find more doubts than I did 
before, and this one amongst others, how durst I, being a 
subject, and the Queen s Majesty s Secretary, take upon me, 
without her own knowledge and consent, to seek resolution of 
controversies depending betwixt her Highness and her subjects." 
Then was there an acclamation of the clawbacks of the Court, 
as if Apollo had given his response. It was wisely and faith 
fully done. 

" Well," said John Knox, " let worldly men praise worldly 
wisdom as highly as they please, I am assured that by such 
shifts idolatry is maintained, and the truth of Jesus Christ is 
betrayed. God one day will be revenged." At this and the 
like sharpness many were offended, the voting ceased, and 
every faction began plainly to speak as affection moved them. 
In the end John Knox was commanded yet to write to Mr. 
Calvin, and to the learned in other Kirks, to ascertain their 
judgments on that question. This he refused, stating his 
reason. " I myself am not only fully resolved in conscience, 
but also I have heard the judgments of the most godly and 
most learned that be known in Europe, in this and all other 
things that I have alh rmed within this realm. I came not to 
this realm without their resolution ; and for my assurance I 
have the handwritings of many. Therefore, if I should now 
move the same question again, what should I do but either 
show my own ignorance and forgetfulness, or else inconstancy ? 
So may it please you to pardon me, albeit I write not. But I 


will teach you the surer way, which is this, write ye and coin- 
plain upon me, that I teach publicly and affirm constantly 
such doctrine as offends you, and so shall ye know their plain 
minds, and whether I and they agree in judgment or not." 

Divers said the offer was good ; but no man was found that 
would be the secretary. And so did the Assembly break up 
after long reasoning. After that time, the ministers were 
holden of all the courtiers as monsters. 

In all that time the Earl of Moray was so fremmed l to 
John Knox, that neither by word nor writing was there any 
communication betwixt them. 

1 Strange ; unfriendly. 






The Preface. 

THE ESTATES OF SCOTLAND with the inhabitants of the same 
professing the Holy Evangel of Christ Jesus, to their 
natural countrymen, and to all other realms and nations, 
professing the same Lord Jesus with them, wish grace, 
peace, and mercy from God the Father of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, with the Spirit of righteous judgment, for salutation. 

LONG have we thirsted, dear brethren, to have notified unto 
the world the sum of that doctrine which we profess, and for 
the which we have sustained infamy and danger. But such 
has been the rage of Satan against us, and against the eternal 
verity of Christ Jesus lately born amongst us, that to this day 
no time has been granted unto us to clear our consciences, as 
most gladly we would have done; for how we have been 
tossed for a whole year past, the most part of Europe, as we 
suppose, does understand. But seeing that, of the infinite 
goodness, above expectation, of our God, who never suffers 
His afflicted to be utterly confounded, we have obtained some 
rest and liberty, we could not but set forth this brief and 
plain confession of such doctrine as is proponed unto us, 
and as we believe and profess. We do so, partly for satis 
faction of our brethren, whose hearts we doubt not have been 
and yet are wounded by the despiteful railing of such as yet 
have not learned to speak well, and partly for stopping of the 
mouths of impudent blasphemers, who boldly condemn that 

1 The Confession of Faith professed and believed by the Protestants within 
the Realm of Scotland, published by them in Parliament, and by the Estates 
thereof ratified and approved, as wholesome and sound Doctrine, grounded upon 
the infallible Truth of God s Word. (Original Title.} 


which they have neither heard nor yet understand. Not that 
we judge that the cankered malice of such is able to be cured 
by this simple Confession. No, we know that the sweet savour 
of the Evangel is, and shall be, death to the sons of perdition. 
But we have chief respect to our weak and infirm brethren, to 
whom we would communicate the bottom of our hearts, lest 
that they be troubled or carried away by the diversity of 
rumours which Satan spreads abroad against us, to the defect 
ing of this our most godly enterprise. If any man will note 
in this our Confession any article or sentence repugnant to 
God s holy Word, and it please him of his gentleness and for 
Christian charity s sake to admonish us of the same in writing, 
we of our honour and fidelity do promise unto him satisfaction 
from the mouth of God, that is, from His holy Scriptures, or 
else reformation of that which he shall prove to be amiss. 
We take God to record in our consciences, that from our 
hearts we abhor all sects of heresy, and all teachers of 
erroneous doctrine; and that with all humility we embrace 
the purity of Christ s Evangel, which is the only food of our 
souls ; and therefore so precious unto us, that we are deter 
mined to suffer the extremity of worldly danger, rather than 
that we will suffer ourselves to be defrauded of the same. 
For we are most certainly persuaded that whosoever denies 
Christ Jesus, or is ashamed of Him, in presence of men, shall 
be denied before the Father, and before His holy angels. And 
therefore, by the assistance of the mighty Spirit of our Lord 
Jesus, we firmly promise to abide to the end in the Confession 
of this our Faith. 

Of God. Cap. I. 

We confess and acknowledge one only God, to whom only 
we must cleave, [whom only we must serve], 1 whom only we 
must worship, and in whom only we must put our trust; 
who is eternal, infinite, unmeasurable, incomprehensible, 
omnipotent, invisible : one in substance, and yet distinct in 
three persons, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost : By 

1 Words in square brackets are not in MSS. but are found in old printed 
copies of the Confession. ED. 


whom we confess and believe all things in heaven and in 
earth, as well visible as invisible, to have been created, to be 
retained in their being, and to be ruled and guided by His 
inscrutable Providence, to such end as His eternal wisdom, 
goodness, and justice has appointed them, to the manifestation 
of His own glory. 

Of the Creation of Man. Cap. II. 

We confess and acknowledge this our God to have created 
man, to wit, our first father Adam, of whom also God formed 
the woman to His own image and similitude; to whom He 
gave wisdom, lordship, justice, free-will, and clear knowledge 
of Himself ; so that in the whole nature of man there could 
be noted no imperfection. From which honour and perfection 
man and woman did both fall ; the woman being deceived by 
the serpent, and man obeying to the voice of the woman, 
both conspiring against the Sovereign Majesty of God, who 
before, in expressed words, had threatened death, if they 
presumed to eat of the forbidden tree. 

Of Original Sin. Cap. III. 

By which transgression, commonly called Original Sin, was 
the image of God utterly defaced in man ; and he and his 
posterity of nature became enemies to God, slaves to Satan, 
and servants to sin ; insomuch that death everlasting has had, 
and shall have, power and dominion over all that have not 
been, are not, or shall not be regenerate from above : which 
regeneration is wrought by the power of the Holy Ghost, 
working in the hearts of the elect of God an assured faith in 
the promise of God, revealed to us in His word; by which 
faith they apprehend Christ Jesus, with the graces and benefits 
promised in Him. 

Of the Revelation of the Promise. Cap. IV. 

For this we constantly believe, that God, after the fearful 
and horrible defection of man from His obedience, did seek 


Adam again, call upon him, rebuke his sin, convict him of the 
same, and in the end made unto him a most joyful promise, to 
wit, that the seed of the woman should break down the serpent s 
head ; that is, he should destroy the works of the Devil. 
Which promise, as it was repeated and made more clear from 
time to time, was embraced with joy, and most constantly 
retained by all the faithful, from Adam to Noah, from Noah 
to Abraham, from Abraham to David, and so forth to the 
incarnation of Christ Jesus : who all, we mean the faithful 
fathers under the law, did see the joyful days of Christ Jesus, 
and did rejoice. 

The Continuance, Increase, and Preservation of 
the Kirk. Cap. V. 

We most constantly believe, that God preserved, instructed, 
multiplied, honoured, decorated, and from death called to life 
His Kirk in all ages, from Adam until the coming of Christ 
Jesus in the flesh : Abraham He called from his father s 
country, him He instructed, his seed He multiplied, the same 
He marvellously preserved and more marvellously delivered 
from the bondage [and tyranny] of Pharaoh ; to them He gave 
His laws, constitutions, and ceremonies ; them He possessed in 
the land of Canaan ; to them, after judges, and after Saul, He 
gave David to be King, to whom He made promise, that of the 
fruit of his loins should one sit for ever upon his regal seat. 
To this same people, from time to time, He sent prophets to 
lead them back to the right way of their God, from the which 
oftentimes they declined by idolatry, and albeit, for their 
stubborn contempt of justice, He was compelled to give them 
into the hands of their enemies, as before was threatened by 
the mouth of Moses, insomuch that the holy city was destroyed, 
the temple burned with fire, and the whole land left desolate 
the space of seventy years; yet of mercy did He lead them 
back again to Jerusalem, where the city and temple were 
rebuilt, and they, against all temptations and assaults of 
Satan, did abide until the Messias came, according to the 


Of the Incarnation of Christ Jesus. Cap. VI. 

When the fulness of time came, God sent His Son, His 
Eternal Wisdom, the substance of His own glory, into this 
world, who took the nature of Manhood of the substance of a 
woman, to wit, of a virgin, and that by the operation of the 
Holy Ghost : And so was born the just seed of David, the 
Angel of the great counsel of God ; the very Messias promised, 
whom we acknowledge and confess Emmanuel ; very God and 
very man, two perfect natures united and joined in one person. 
By this our Confession we condemn the damnable and pestilent 
heresies of Arius, Marcion, Eutyches, Nestorius, and such others 
as either deny the eternity of His Godhead or the verity of His 
human nature, confound them, or divide them. 

Why it behoved the Mediator to be very God and 
very Man. Cap. VII. 

We acknowledge and confess that this most wondrous 
conjunction betwixt the Godhead and the Manhood in Christ 
Jesus did proceed from the eternal and immutable decree of 
God, whence also our salvation springs and depends. 

Election. Cap. VIII. 

For that same Eternal God, and Father, who of mere mercy 
elected us in Christ Jesus, His Son, before the foundation of 
the world was laid, appointed Him to be our Head, our Brother, 
our Pastor, and great Bishop of our souls. But because that 
the enmity betwixt the justice of God and our sins was such 
that no flesh by itself could or might have attained unto God, 
it behoved that the Son of God should descend unto us, and 
take Himself a body of our body, flesh of our flesh, and bone of 
our bones, and so become the perfect Mediator betwixt God 
and man ; giving power to so many as believe in Him to be the 
sons of God, as He Himself does witness : " I pass up to my 
Father and unto your Father, to my God and unto your God." 
By this most holy fraternity, whatsoever we have lost in Adam 


is restored to us again. And for this cause are we not afraid 
to call God our Father, not so much because He hath created 
us, which we have in common with the reprobate, as for that 
He has given to us His only Son to be- our Brother, and given 
unto us grace to [acknowledge and] embrace Him for our only 
Mediator, as before is said. It behoved further, the Messias 
and Eedeemer to be very God and very man, because He was 
to underlie the punishment due for our transgressions, and to 
present Himself in the presence of His Father s judgment, as in 
our person to suffer for our transgression and inobedience, by 
death to overcome him that was author of death. But because 
the only Godhead could not suffer death, neither could the 
only Manhood overcome the same ; He joined both together in 
one person, that the imbecility of the one should suffer, and be 
subject to death, which we had deserved, and the infinite and 
invincible power of the other, to wit, of the Godhead, should 
triumph and procure for us life, liberty, and perpetual victory. 
And so we confess, and most undoubtedly believe. 

Christ s Death, Passion, Burial, etc. Cap. IX. 

That our Lord Jesus Christ offered Himself a voluntary 
sacrifice unto His Father for us ; that He suffered contradiction 
of sinners ; that He was wounded and plagued for our trans 
gressions ; that He, being the clean and innocent Lamb of God, 
was condemned in the presence of an earthly judge, that we 
might be absolved before the tribunal seat of our God ; that 
He suffered not only the cruel death of the Cross, which was 
accursed by the sentence of God, but also that He suffered for 
a season the wrath of His Father, which sinners had deserved. 
But yet we avow that He remained the only and well-beloved 
and blessed Son of His Father, even in the midst of His anguish 
and torment, which He suffered in body and soul, to make the 
full satisfaction for the sins of His people. We confess and 
avow, that there remains no other sacrifice for sins ; which if 
any affirm, we nothing doubt to avow that they are blasphemers 
against Christ s death, and the everlasting purgation and satis 
faction procured for us by the same. 


Resurrection. Cap. X. 

We undoubtedly believe that, insomuch as it was impossible 
that the dolours of death should retain in bondage the Author 
of life, our Lord Jesus Christ, crucified, dead, and buried, 
descended into hell, did rise again for our justification, and the 
destruction of him who was the author of death, and brought 
life again to us that were subject to death and to its bondage. 
We know that His resurrection was confirmed by the testimony 
of His very enemies ; by the resurrection of the dead, whose 
sepulchres did open, and who did arise and appear to many 
within the city of Jerusalem. It was also confirmed by the 
testimony of His angels, and by the senses and judgments of 
His apostles, and of others who had conversation, and did eat 
and drink with Him after His resurrection. 

Ascension. Cap. XL 

We nothing doubt but that the self-same body, which was 
born of the Virgin, was crucified, dead, and buried, and rose 
again, did ascend into the heavens for the accomplishment of 
all things ; where, in our names and for our comfort, He has 
received all power in heaven and in earth ; where He sits at 
the right hand of the Father, inaugurate in His kingdom, 
Advocate and only Mediator for us ; which glory, honour, and 
prerogative He alone amongst the brethren shall possess, until 
all His enemies be made His footstool, as we undoubtedly 
believe they shall be in the final judgment ; to the execution 
whereof we certainly believe that our Lord Jesus shall visibly 
return as we believe that He was seen to ascend. And then we 
firmly believe, that the time of refreshing and restitution of all 
things shall come, insomuch that they that from the beginning 
have suffered violence, injury, and wrong for righteousness 
sake, shall inherit that blessed immortality promised from the 
beginning : but contrariwise, the stubborn, inobedient, cruel, 
oppressors, filthy persons, adulterers, and all sorts of unfaithful 
men shall be cast into the dungeon of outer darkness, where 
their worm shall not die, neither yet their fire be extinguished. 


The remembrance of which day, and of the judgment to be 
executed in the same, is not only to us a bridle whereby our 
carnal lusts are refrained ; but also such inestimable comfort, 
that neither may the threatening of worldly princes, nor yet 
the fear of temporal death and present danger, move us to 
renounce and forsake that blessed society which we the 
members have with our Head and only Mediator, Christ 
Jesus, whom we confess and avow to be the Messias promised, 
the only Head of His Kirk, our just Lawgiver, our only High 
Priest, Advocate, and Mediator. In which honours and offices, 
if man or angel presume to intrude themselves, we utterly 
detest and abhor them, as blasphemous to our Sovereign and 
Supreme Governor, Christ Jesus. 

Faith in the Holy Ghost. Cap. XII. 

This our faith, and the assurance of the same, proceeds not 
from flesh and blood, that is to say, from no natural powers 
within us, but is the inspiration of the Holy Ghost. Him we 
confess God, equal with the Father and with the Son; who 
sanctifieth us, and bringeth us into all truth by His own 
operation ; without Him we should remain for ever enemies 
to God, and ignorant of His Son, Christ Jesus. For of nature 
we are so dead, so blind, and so perverse, that neither can we 
feel when we are pricked, see the light when it shines, nor 
assent to the will of God when it is revealed ; only the Spirit 
of the Lord Jesus quickeneth that which is dead, removeth the 
darkness from our minds, and boweth our stubborn hearts to 
the obedience of His blessed will. As we confess that God 
the Father created us when we were not, and as His Son, our 
Lord Jesus, redeemed us when we were enemies to Him, so 
also do we confess that the Holy Ghost does sanctify and 
regenerate us, altogether without respect to any merit pro 
ceeding from us, be it before, or be it after our regeneration. 
In more plain words, as we willingly spoil ourselves of all 
honour and glory of our own creation and redemption, so do 
we also of our regeneration and sanctification : for of ourselves 
we are not sufficient to think one good thought ; but He who 


has begun the good work in us is only He that continueth 
us in the same, to the praise and glory of His undeserved 

The Cause of Good Works. Cap. XIII. 

The cause of good works we therefore confess to be, not our 
freewill, but the Spirit of the Lord Jesus ; who, dwelling in our 
hearts by true faith, brings forth such good works as God hath 
prepared for us to walk in : for we most boldly affirm, that it 
is blasphemy to say that Christ Jesus abides in the hearts of 
such as in whom there is no Spirit of sanctification. And 
therefore we fear not to affirm, that murderers, oppressors, 
cruel persecutors, adulterers, whoremongers, filthy persons, 
idolaters, drunkards, thieves, and all workers of iniquity, have 
neither true faith, nor any portion of the Spirit of sanctifi 
cation, which proceedeth from the Lord Jesus, so long as they 
obstinately continue in their wickedness. For how soon that 
ever the Spirit of the Lord Jesus, which God s elect children 
receive by true faith, takes possession in the heart of any man, 
so soon does He regenerate and renew the same man ; so that 
he begins to hate that which before he loved, and begins to 
love that which before he hated ; and from thence comes that 
continual battle which is betwixt the flesh and the Spirit in 
God s children ; while the flesh and natural man, according to 
its own corruption, lusts for things pleasing and delectable 
unto itself, grudges in adversity, is lifted up in prosperity, and 
at every moment is prone and ready to offend the Majesty of 
God. But the Spirit of God, which giveth witness to our 
spirit that we are the sons of God, makes us to resist the Devil, 
to abhor filthy pleasures, to groan in God s presence for de 
liverance from this bondage of corruption ; and finally, so to 
triumph over sin that it reign not in our mortal bodies. Carnal 
men, being destitute of God s Spirit, have not this battle ; these 
do follow and obey sin with greediness, and without repentance, 
even as the Devil and their corrupt lusts do prick them. IHit 
the sons of God, as before is said, do fight against sin, do sob 
and mourn, when they perceive themselves tempted to iniquity ; 


and, if they fall, they rise again witli earnest and unfeigned 
repentance. And these things they do not by their own 
power ; but the power of the Lord Jesus, without whom they 
were able to do nothing, worketh in them all that is good. 

What Works are reputed good before 
God. Cap. XIV. 

We confess and acknowledge that God has given to man 
His holy law, in which not only are forbidden all such works 
as displease and offend His Godly Majesty ; but also are com 
mended all such as please Him, and as He hath promised to 
reward. And these works be of two sorts ; the one are done 
to the honour of God, the other to the profit of our neighbours ; 
and both have the revealed will of God for their assurance. 
To have one God ; to worship and honour Him ; to call upon 
Him in all our troubles ; to reverence His holy name ; to hear 
His Word ; to believe the same ; to communicate with His holy 
Sacraments : these are the works of the First Table. To 
honour father, mother, princes, rulers, and superior powers ; to 
love them ; to support them, yea, to obey their charges, unless 
repugnant to the commandment of God ; to save the lives of 
innocents ; to repress tyranny ; to defend the oppressed ; to 
keep our bodies clean and holy ; to live in sobriety and temper 
ance ; to deal justly with all men, both in word and in deed ; 
and, finally, to repress all appetite for our neighbour s hurt : 
these are the good works of the Second Table, which are most 
pleasing and acceptable unto God, as those works that are 
commanded by Himself. The contrary is sin most odious, 
which always displeases Him, and provokes Him to anger. 
Not to call upon Him alone when we have need ; not to hear His 
Word with reverence ; to contemn and despise it ; to have or 
to worship idols ; to maintain and defend idolatry ; lightly to 
esteem the reverent name of God ; to profane, abuse, or con 
temn the Sacraments of Christ Jesus ; to disobey or resist any 
that God has placed in authority, while they pass not over the 
bounds of their office; to murder, or to consent thereto; to 
bear hatred, or to suffer innocent blood to be shed if we may 


gainstand it ; and, finally, the transgressing of any other com 
mandment in the First or Second Table, we confess and affirm 
to be sin, by which God s hot displeasure is kindled against the 
proud and unthankful world. So that good works we affirm to 
be these only that are done in faith, and at God s command 
ment, who in His law has expressed what be the things that 
please Him. And evil works, we affirm to be, not only those 
that are expressly done against God s commandment, but those 
also that, in matters of religion and worshipping of God, have 
no other assurance but the invention and opinion of man, 
which God from the beginning has ever rejected ; as, by the 
prophet Isaiah and by our Master Christ Jesus, we are taught 
in these words "In vain they do worship Me, teaching for 
doctrines the commandments of men." 

The Perfection of the Law and Imperfection 
of Man. Cap. XV. 

The law of God we confess and acknowledge most just, 
most equal, most holy, and most perfect; commanding those 
things which, being wrought in perfection, were able to give 
life, and able to bring man to eternal felicity. But our nature 
is so corrupt, so weak, and imperfect, that we are never able to 
fulfil the works of the law in perfection ; yea, " If we say we 
have no sin," (even after we are regenerate,) " we deceive our 
selves, and the truth of God is not in us." And therefore it 
behoved us to apprehend Christ Jesus, with His justice and 
satisfaction, who is the end and accomplishment of the law to 
all that believe ; by whom we are set at this liberty, that the 
curse and malediction of God fall not upon us, albeit we fulfil 
not the same in all points. For God the Father, beholding us 
in the body of His Son Christ Jesus, accepteth our imperfect 
obedience as it were perfect, and covereth our works, which 
are defiled with many spots, with the justice of His Son. 
As we have already plainly confessed, we do not mean that 
we are so set at liberty that we owe no obedience to the 
law; but we affirm that no man on earth, Christ Jesus 
only excepted, hath given, giveth, or shall give in work, 


that obedience to the law which the law requireth. When 
we have done all things, we must fall down and unfeignedly 
confess that we are unprofitable servants. And therefore 
whosoever boast themselves of the merits of their own works, 
or put their trust in the works of supererogation, boast them 
selves of that which is not, and put their trust in damnable 

Of the Kirk. Cap. XVI. 

As we believe in one God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, so 
do we most earnestly believe that from the beginning there 
has been, now is, and to the end of the world shall be a 
Church; that is to say, a company and multitude of men 
chosen of God, who rightly worship and embrace Him, by true 
faith in Christ Jesus, who is the only Head of the same Kirk, 
which also is the body and spouse of Christ Jesus ; which Kirk 
is Catholic, that is, universal, because it contains the elect of 
all ages, of all realms, nations, and tongues, be they of the 
Jews, or be they of the Gentiles, who have communion and 
society with God the Father, and with His Son Christ Jesus, 
through the sanctification of His Holy Spirit ; and therefore it 
is called the communion, not of profane persons, but of saints, 
who, as citizens of the heavenly Jerusalem, have the fruition 
of the most inestimable benefits, to wit, of one God, one Lord 
Jesus, one faith, and of one baptism ; out of the which Kirk there 
is neither life nor eternal felicity. And therefore we utterly 
abhor the blasphemy of those that affirm that men which live 
according to equity and justice shall be saved, what religion 
soever they have professed. For as without Christ Jesus there 
is neither life nor salvation, so shall there none be participant 
thereof but such as the Father has given unto His Son Christ 
Jesus, and those that in time come to Him, avow His doctrine, 
and believe into Him we comprehend the children with the 
faithful parents. This Kirk is invisible, known only to God, 
who alone knoweth whom He has chosen, and comprehends as 
well, as said is, the elect that be departed, commonly called 
the Kirk triumphant, as those that yet live and fight against 
sin and Satan as shall live hereafter. 


The Immortality of the Souls. Cap. XVII. 

The elect departed are in peace, and rest from their 
labours ; not that they sleep and come to a certain oblivion, 
as some fantastic heads do affirm, but they are delivered from 
all fear, all torment, and all temptation, to which we and all 
God s elect are subject in this life ; and therefore do bear the 
name of the Kirk militant. As contrariwise, the reprobate 
and unfaithful departed have anguish, torment, and pain, that 
cannot be expressed ; so that neither are the one nor the other 
in such sleep that they feel not joy or torment, as, in the parable 
of Christ Jesus in the sixteenth chapter of Luke, His words to 
the thief, and these words of the souls crying under the altar, 
" Lord, Thou that art righteous and just, how long shalt 
Thou not revenge our blood upon them that dwell upon the 
earth ! " do plainly testify. 

Of the notes by which the True Kirk is discerned 
from the false, and who shall be judge of the 
doctrine. Cap. XVIII. 

Because that Satan from the beginning has laboured to 
deck his pestilent synagogue with the title of the Kirk of 
God, and has inflamed the hearts of cruel murderers to 
persecute, trouble, and molest the true Kirk and members 
thereof, as Cain did Abel ; Ishmael, Isaac ; Esau, Jacob ; and 
the whole priesthood of the Jews, Jesus Christ Himself and 
His apostles after Him ; it is a thing most requisite that the 
true Kirk be discerned from the filthy synagogue, by clear and 
perfect notes, lest we, being deceived, receive and embrace to 
our own condemnation the one for the other. The notes, 
signs, and assured tokens whereby the immaculate spouse of 
Christ Jesus is known from that horrible harlot the Kirk 
malignant, we affirm are neither antiquity, title usurped, 
lineal descent, place appointed, nor multitude of men ap 
proving an error ; for Cain in age and title was preferred to 
Abel and Seth. Jerusalem had prerogative above all places of 
the earth, where also were the priests lineally descended from 


Aaron ; and greater multitude followed the Scribes, Pharisees, 
and Priests than unfeignedly believed and approved Christ 
Jesus and His doctrine ; and yet, as we suppose, no man of 
sound judgment will grant that any of the forenamed were the 
Kirk of God. The notes, therefore, of the true Kirk of God 
we believe, confess, and avow to be, first, the true preaching of 
the Word of God ; into the which God has revealed Himself to 
us, as the writings of the prophets and apostles do declare. 
Secondly, the right administration of the Sacraments of Christ 
Jesus, which must be annexed to the Word and promise of 
God, to seal and confirm the same in our hearts. Lastly, 
ecclesiastical discipline uprightly ministered, as God s Word 
prescribes, whereby vice is repressed, and virtue nourished. 
Wheresoever then these former notes are seen, and of any 
time continue, be the number never so few above two or three, 
there, without all doubt, is the true Kirk of Christ, who, 
according to His promise, is in the midst of them ; not that 
Kirk universal, of which we have before spoken, but parti 
cular ; such as was in Corinth, Galatia, Ephesus, and other 
places in which the ministry was planted by Paul, and were of 
himself named the Kirks of God. And such Kirks, we the 
inhabitants of the realm of Scotland, professors of Christ Jesus, 
confess us to have in our cities, towns, and places reformed ; 
for the doctrine taught in our Kirks is contained in the 
written Word of God, to wit, in the books of the Old and New 
Testaments. In these books we mean, which of the ancient 
have been reputed canonical, in the which we affirm that all 
things necessary to be believed for the salvation of mankind 
are sufficiently expressed; the interpretation whereof, we 
confess, neither appertaineth to private nor public person, 
nor yet to any kirk for any pre-eminence or prerogative, 
personal or local, which one has above another ; but apper 
taineth to the Spirit of God, by the which also the Scripture 
was written. When controversy then happeneth for the right 
understanding of any place or sentence of Scripture, or for the 
reformation of any abuse within the Kirk of God, we ought 
not so much to look what men before as have said or done, as 
unto that which the Holy Ghost uniformly speaks within the 


body of the Scriptures, and unto that which Christ Jesus Him 
self did, and commanded to be done. For this is a thing 
universally granted, that the Spirit of God, which is. the Spirit 
of unity, is in nothing contrarious unto Himself. If then the 
interpretation, determination, or sentence of any doctor, Kirk, 
or Council, repugn to the plain Word of God written in any 
other place of the Scripture, it is a thing most certain, that 
theirs is not the true understanding and meaning of the Holy 
Ghost, supposing that councils, realms, and nations have ap 
proved and received the same. For we dare not receive and 
admit any interpretation which directly repugneth to any 
principal point of our faith, or to any other plain text of 
Scripture, or yet unto the rule of charity. 

The Authority of the Scriptures. Cap. XIX. 

As we believe and confess the Scriptures of God sufficient 
to instruct and make the man of God perfect, so do we affirm 
and avow the authority of the same to be of God, and neither 
to depend on men nor angels. We affirm, therefore, that such 
as allege the Scripture to have no other authority, but that 
which is received from the Kirk, to be blasphemous against 
God, and injurious to the true Kirk, which always heareth and 
obeyeth the voice of her own spouse and pastor, but taketh not 
upon her to be mistress over the same. 

Of General Councils, of their Power, Authority, and 
Causes of their Convention. Cap. XX. 

As we do not rashly condemn that which godly men 
assembled together in General Council, lawfully gathered, 
have approved unto us ; so without just examination dare we 
not receive whatsoever is obtrused unto men, under the name 
of General Councils. For plain it is, that as they were men, 
so have some of them manifestly erred, and that in matters of 
great weight and importance. So far, then, as the Council 
proveth the determination and commandment that it giveth 
by the plain Word of God, so far do we reverence and embrace 


the same. But if men, under the name of a Council, pretend 
to forge unto us new articles of our faith, or to make consti 
tutions repugning to the Word of God, then utterly we must 
refuse the same, as the doctrine of devils which draws our 
souls from the voice of our only God, to follow the doctrines 
and constitutions of men. The cause, then, why General 
Councils were convened, was neither to make any perpetual 
law, which God before had not made, nor yet to forge new 
articles of our belief, nor to give the Word of God authority, 
much less to make that to be His Word, or yet the true inter 
pretation of the same, which was not before by His holy will 
expressed in His Word. But the cause of Councils, we mean 
of such as merit the name of Councils, was partly for confuta 
tion of heresies, and for giving public confession of their faith 
to the posterity following ; which both they did by the 
authority of God s written Word, and not by any opinion or 
prerogative that they could not err, by reason of their general 
assembly. And this we judge to have been the chief cause of 
General Councils. The other was for good policy and order to 
be constitute and observed in the Kirk, in which, as in the 
house of God, it becomes all things to be done decently and 
in order. Not that we think that a policy and an order in 
ceremonies can be appointed for all ages, times, and places ; 
for as ceremonies, such as men have devised, are but temporal, 
so may and ought they to be changed when they rather foster 
superstition, than edify the Kirk using the same. 

Of the Sacraments. Cap. XXI. 

As the Fathers under the Law, besides the verity of the 
sacrifices, had two chief Sacraments, to wit, Circumcision and 
the Passover, the despisers and contemners whereof were not 
reputed God s people ; so do we acknowledge and confess that 
we now, in the time of the Evangel, have two Sacraments only, 
institute by the Lord Jesus, and commanded to be used of all 
those that will be reputed members of His body, to wit, Baptism 
and the Supper, or Table of the Lord Jesus, called the Com 
munion of His body and blood. And these Sacraments, as well 


of the Old as of the New Testament, were institute of God, not 
only to make a visible difference betwixt His people and those 
that were without His league, but also to exercise the faitli of 
His children ; and by participation of the same Sacraments, to 
seal in their hearts the assurance of His promise, and of that 
most blessed conjunction, union, and society, which the elect 
have with their Head, Christ Jesus. And thus we utterly 
condemn the vanity of those that affirm Sacraments to be 
nothing else but naked and bare signs. No, we assuredly 
believe that by Baptism we are ingrafted in Christ Jesus to 
be made partakers of His justice, by the which our sins are 
covered and remitted ; and, also, that in the Supper, rightly 
used, Christ Jesus is so joined with us, that He becomes the 
very nourishment and food of our souls. Not that we imagine 
any transubstantiation of bread into Christ s natural body, and 
of wine into His natural blood, as the Papists have perniciously 
taught and damnably believed ; but this union and communion 
which we have with the body and blood of Christ Jesus in the 
right use of the Sacraments, is wrought by operation of the 
Holy Ghost, who by true faith carries us above all things that 
are visible, carnal and earthly, and makes us to feed upon the 
body and blood of Christ Jesus, which was once broken and 
shed for us, which now is in the heaven, and appeareth in the 
presence of the Father for us. And yet, notwithstanding the 
far distance of place, which is betwixt His body now glorified 
in the heaven and us now mortal in this earth, yet we most 
assuredly believe that the bread which we break is the com 
munion of Christ s body, and the cup which we bless is the 
communion of His blood. So that we confess and undoubtedly 
believe that the faithful, in the right use of the Lord s Table, 
so do eat the body and drink the blood of the Lord Jesus, that 
He remaineth in them and they in Him ; yea, that they are so 
made flesh of His flesh, and bone of His bones, that, as the 
Eternal Godhead hath given to the flesh of Christ Jesus (which 
of its own condition and nature was mortal and corruptible) 
life and immortality, so doth Christ Jesus His flesh and blood 
eaten and drunken by us, give to us the same prerogative. 
Albeit we confess that these are neither given unto us at that 


only time, nor yet by the proper power and virtue of the 
Sacraments alone, we affirm that the faithful in the right use 
of the Lord s Table have such conjunction with Christ Jesus 
as the natural man cannot comprehend : yea, and farther we 
affirm that, albeit the faithful oppressed by negligence, and 
human infirmity, do not profit so much as they would at the 
very instant action of the Supper, yet shall it after bring fortli 
fruit, as lively seed sown in good ground ; for the Holy Spirit, 
which can never be divided from the right institution of the 
Lord Jesus, will not frustrate the faithful of the fruit of that 
mystical action. But all this, we say, comes by true faith, 
which apprehendeth Christ Jesus, who only makes His Sacra 
ments effectual unto us ; and, therefore, whosoever slandereth 
us, as that we affirmed or believed Sacraments to be only naked 
and bare signs, do injury unto us, and speak against a manifest 
truth. But liberally and frankly we must confess that we 
make a distinction betwixt Christ Jesus in His natural sub 
stance and the elements in the Sacramental signs ; so that we 
will neither worship the signs in place of that which is signified 
by them, nor yet do we despise and interpret them as unprofit 
able and vain ; but we use them with all reverence, examining 
ourselves diligently before we do so, because we are assured 
by the mouth of the Apostle that such as eat of that bread, 
and drink of that cup, unworthily, are guilty of the body and 
blood of the Lord Jesus. 

Of the right Administration of the Sacraments. 
Cap. XXII. 

That Sacraments be rightly ministered, we judge two things 
requisite. The one, that they be ministered by lawful ministers, 
whom we affirm to be only they that are appointed to the 
preaching of the Word, or into whose mouths God has put 
some sermon of exhortation, they being men lawfully chosen 
thereto by some kirk. The other, that they be ministered in 
such elements, and in such sort as God hath appointed. Else 
we affirm that they cease to be right Sacraments of Christ 
Jesus. And, therefore, it is, that we fiee the society of the 


Papistical Kirk, in participation of their Sacraments; first, 
because their ministers are no ministers of Christ Jesus ; yea, 
which is more horrible, they suffer women, whom the Holy 
Ghost will not suffer to teach in the congregation, to bapti/e. 
And, secondly, because they have so adulterate, both the one 
Sacrament and the other, with their own inventions, that no 
part of Christ s action abideth in the original purity ; for oil, 
salt, spittle, and such-like in baptism, are but men s inventions ; 
adoration, veneration, bearing through streets and towns, and 
keeping of bread in boxes or buists, 1 are profanation of Christ s 
Sacraments, and no use of the same. For Christ Jesus said, 
" Take, eat," etc., " do ye this in remembrance of Me." By 
these words and charge He sanctified bread and wine to be the 
Sacrament of His body and blood ; to the end that the one 
should be eaten, and that all should drink of the other ; and 
not that they should be kept to be worshipped and honoured 
as God, as the blind Papists have done heretofore, who also 
have committed sacrilege, stealing from the people the one 
part of the Sacrament, to wit, the blessed cup. Moreover, 
that the Sacraments be rightly used, it is required that the 
end and cause why the Sacraments were institute be under 
stood and observed, as well by the minister as by the receivers ; 
for, if the opinion be changed in the receiver, the right use 
ceaseth. This is most evident from the rejection of the sacri 
fices (as also if the teacher teach false doctrine) which were 
odious and abominable unto God, albeit they were His own 
ordinances, because wicked men made use of them for another 
end than God had ordained. The same affirm we of the Sacra 
ments in the Papistical Kirk, in which we affirm the whole 
action of the Lord Jesus to be adulterate, as well in the 
external form as in the end and opinion. What Christ Jesus 
did and commanded to be done, is evident by the three 
Evangelists, [who speak of the Sacraments,] and by Saint 
Paul. What the priest does at his altar we need not rehearse. 
The end and cause of Christ s institution, and why the self 
same should be used, is expressed in these words " Do this 
in remembrance of Me. As oft as ye shall eat of this bread 

1 Chests. 


and drink of this cup, ye shall show forth" (that is, extol, 
preach, and magnify) " the Lord s death till He come." But 
to what end, and in what opinion the priests say their masses, 
let the words of the same, their own doctors and writings 
witness ; to wit, that they, as mediators betwixt Christ and 
His Kirk, do offer unto God the Father a sacrifice propitiatory 
for the sins of the quick and the dead. This doctrine, as 
blasphemous to Christ Jesus, and making derogation to the 
sufficiency of His only sacrifice, once offered for purgation of 
all those that shall be sanctified, we utterly abhor, detest, and 

To whom Sacraments Appertain. Cap. XXIII. 

We confess and acknowledge that baptism appertaineth 
as well to the infants of the faithful as to those that be of 
age and discretion. And so we condemn the error of the 
Anabaptists, who deny baptism to appertain to children before 
they have faith and understanding. But the Supper of the 
Lord we confess to appertain only to such as have been of the 
household of faith and can try and examine themselves, as 
well in their faith as in their duty towards their neighbours. 
Such as eat [and drink] at that holy table without faith, or 
being at dissension or division with their brethren, do eat 
unworthily : and, therefore, in our kirks our ministers take 
public and particular examination of the knowledge and con 
versation of such as are to be admitted to the Table of the 
Lord Jesus. 

Of the Civil Magistrate. Cap. XXIV. 

We confess and acknowledge empires, kingdoms, dominions, 
and cities to be distinct and ordained by God : the powers and 
authorities in the same, be it of emperors in their empires, of 
kings in their realms, dukes and princes in their dominions, 
or of other magistrates in free cities, to be God s holy.ordinance, 
ordained for manifestation of His own glory, and for the 
singular profit and commodity of mankind. So that whosoever 
goes about to take away or to confound the whole state of civil 


policies, now long established, we affirm not only to be enemies 
to mankind, but also wickedly to fight against God s expressed 
will. We farther confess and acknowledge that such persons 
as are placed in authority are to be loved, honoured, feared, 
and holden in most reverent estimation ; because they are the 
lieutenants of God, in whose session God Himself doth sit and 
judge (yea, even the judges and princes themselves), to whom 
by God is given the sword, to the praise and defence of good 
men, and to revenge and punish all open malefactors. More 
over, to kings, princes, rulers, and magistrates, we affirm that 
chiefly and most principally the reformation and purgation of 
religion appertains ; so that not only they are appointed for 
civil policy, but also for maintenance of the true religion, and 
for suppressing of idolatry and superstition whatsoever, as in 
David, Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, Josiah and others, highly com 
mended for their zeal in that case, may be espied. And 
therefore we confess and vow, that such as resist the supreme 
power, doing that thing which appertains to his charge, do 
resist God s ordinance, and therefore cannot be guiltless. And 
farther, we affirm that whosoever deny unto them their aid, 
counsel, and comfort, while the princes and rulers vigilantly 
travail in the executing of their office, deny their help, support, 
and counsel to God, who by the presence of His lieutenant 
craveth it of them. 

The Gifts freely given to the Kirk. Cap. XXV. 

Albeit that the word of God truly preached, the Sacraments 
rightly ministered, and discipline executed according to the 
Word of God, be the certain and infallible signs of the true 
Kirk; yet do we not so mean that every particular person 
joined with such a company, is an elect member of Christ 
Jesus. For we acknowledge and confess that darnel, cockle, 
and chaff may be sown, grow, and in great abundance lie in 
the midst of the wheat ; that is, the reprobate may be joined 
in the society of the elect, and may externally use with them 
the benefits of the Word and Sacraments ; but such, being but 
temporal professors in mouth and not in heart, do fall back 


and do not continue to the end ; and therefore have they no 
fruit of Christ s death, resurrection, nor ascension. But such 
as with heart unfeignedly believe, and with mouth boldly 
confess the Lord Jesus, as before we have said, shall most 
assuredly receive these gifts ; first, in this life, remission of 
sins, and that by faith only in Christ s blood, insomuch that, 
albeit sin remain and continually abide in these our mortal 
bodies, it is not imputed unto us, but is remitted and covered 
with Christ s justice. Secondly, in the general judgment there 
shall be given to every man and woman resurrection of the 
flesh ; for the sea shall give her dead, the earth those that 
therein be inclosed; yea, the Eternal, our God, shall stretch 
out His hand upon dust, and the dead shall arise incorruptible, 
and that in the substance of the self-same flesh that every 
man now bears, to receive, according to their works, glory or 
punishment. For such as now delight in vanity, cruelty, 
filthiness, superstition, or idolatry, shall be adjudged to the 
fire inextinguishable, in the which they shall be tormented for 
ever, as well in their own bodies, as in their souls, which now 
they give to serve the Devil in all abomination. But such as 
continue in well-doing to the end, boldly professing the Lord 
Jesus, [we constantly believe that they shall receive glory, 
honour and immortality, to reign for ever in life everlasting 
with Christ Jesus,] to whose glorified body all His elect shall 
be made like, when He shall appear again to judgment, and 
shall render up the kingdom to God His Father, who then 
shall be, and ever shall remain all in all things, God blessed 
for ever : To whom, with the Son, and with the Holy Ghost, 
be all honour and glory, now and ever. Amen. 

Arise, Lord, and let Thy enemies be confounded : Let them 
flee from Thy presence that hate Thy godly name : Give Thy 
servants strength to speak Thy Word in boldness: and let all 
nations attain to Thy true knowledge. 

These Acts and Articles were read in face of Parlia 
ment and ratified by the Three Estates of the Realm 
at Edinburgh, on the 17th day of August in the year 
of God 1560. 

I. Of Doctrine. 

SEEING that Christ Jesus is He whom God the Father has 
commanded only to be heard and followed of His sheep, we 
urge it necessary that His Evangel be truly and openly 
preached in every kirk and assembly of this realm ; and that 
all doctrine repugning to the same be utterly suppressed as 
damnable to man s salvation. 

Lest upon this generality ungodly men take occasion to 
cavil, this we add for explication. By preaching of the 
Evangel, we understand not only the Scriptures of the New 
Testament but also of the Old ; to wit, the Law, Prophets, and 
Histories, in which Christ Jesus is no less contained in figure, 
than we have Him now expressed in verity. And, therefore, 
with the Apostle we affirm, that all Scripture inspired of 
God is profitable to instruct, to reprove, and to exhort. In 
which books of Old and New Testaments we affirm that 
all things necessary for the instruction of the Kirk, and 
to make the man of God perfect, are contained and sufficiently 

By the contrary doctrine, we understand whatsoever men, 
by laws, councils, or constitutions have imposed upon the 
consciences of men, without the expressed commandment of 

1 In a Preface, the compilers addressed themselves to the Great Council of 
Scotland, "now admitted to the Regiment, by the Providence of God," 
acknowledging instructions, received on 29th April 1560, to commit to writing 
their Judgments touching the Reformation of Religion. The book is ottered 
" for common order and uniformity to be known in this Realm, concerning 
Doctrine, Administration of Sacraments [Election of Ministers, Provision for 
their Sustentation], Ecclesiastical Discipline, and Policy of the Kirk." The 
Lords are desired neither to admit anything which God s plain Word shall not 
approve, nor yet to reject such ordinances as equity, justice, and God s Word do 
specify. Cf. pp. 217, 243 supra. 



God s Word ; such as vows of chastity, forswearing of marriage, 
binding of men and women to several and disguised apparels, 
to the superstitious observation of fasting days, difference of 
meat for conscience sake, prayer for the dead, and keeping of 
holy days of certain saints commanded by man, such as be all 
those that the Papists have invented, as the feasts, as they 
term them, of apostles, martyrs, virgins, of Christmas, circum 
cision, epiphany, purification, and other fond feasts of our 
Lady. Which things, because in God s Scriptures they neither 
have commandment nor assurance, we judge utterly to be 
abolished from this realm ; affirming farther, that the obstinate 
maintainers and teachers of such abominations ought not to 
escape the punishment of the civil magistrate. 

II. Of Sacraments. 

To the true preaching of the holy Evangel of Christ Jesus 
it is necessary that His holy Sacraments be annexed, and truly 
ministered, as seals and visible confirmations of the spiritual 
promises contained in the Word. These be two, to wit, Baptism 
and the Holy Supper of the Lord Jesus ; which are rightly 
ministered when the people, before the administration of the 
same, are plainly instructed by a lawful minister, and put in 
mind of God s free grace and mercy, offered unto the penitent 
in Christ Jesus ; when God s promises are rehearsed, the 
end and use of the Sacraments declared, and that in such a 
tongue as the people do understand ; when, farther, to them is 
nothing added, from them nothing diminished, and in their 
practice nothing changed from the institution of the Lord 
Jesus and practice of His holy Apostles. 

Albeit the order of Geneva, which now is used in some of 
our kirks, is sufficient to instruct the diligent reader how both 
these Sacraments may be rightly ministered ; yet, that a uni 
formity be kept, we have thought good to add the following as 

In Baptism, we acknowledge nothing to be used except the 
element of water only ; that the Word and declaration of the 
promises ought to precede we have already said. Wherefore, 


whosoever presumetli in baptism to use oil, salt, wax, spittle, 
conjuration or crossing, accuseth the perfect institution of 
Christ Jesus of imperfection; for it was void of all such 
inventions devised by men. And such as would presume 
to alter Christ s perfect ordinance you ought severely to 

The Table of the Lord is then most rightly ministered when 
it approacheth most nigh to Christ s own action. But plain it 
is that at that Supper, Christ Jesus sat with His disciples, 
and therefore do we judge, that sitting at a table is most con 
venient to that holy action ; that bread and wine ought to be 
there ; that thanks ought to be given ; distribution of the 
same made; and commandment given that the bread should 
be taken and eaten ; and that all should likewise drink of the 
cup of wine, with declaration what both the one and the other 
is, we suppose no godly man will doubt. As touching the 
damnable errors of the Papists, who can defraud the common 
people of the one part of that holy Sacrament, to wit, of the 
cup of the Lord s blood, we suppose their error to be so mani 
fest that it needeth no confutation ; neither yet intend we to 
confute anything in this our simple confession ; but to offer 
public disputation to all that list to oppugn anything affirmed 
by us. 

That the minister break the bread and distribute the 
same to those that be next unto him, commanding the rest, 
every one with reverence and sobriety, to break with other, we 
think nighest to Christ s action, and to the perfect practice of 
the Apostles, as we read it in St. Paul. During this action, 
we think it necessary that some comfortable places of the 
Scriptures be read, which may bring in mind the death of 
Christ Jesus and the benefit of the same ; for, seeing that in 
that action we ought chiefly to remember the Lord s death, we 
judge the Scriptures making mention of the same to be most 
apt to stir up our dull minds, then and at all times. Let the 
discretion of the ministers appoint the places to be read as 
they think good. What times we think most convenient for 
the administration of the one and of the other of these Sacra 
ments shall be declared in the policy of the Kirk. 


III. Touching the Abolition of Idolatry. 

As we require Christ Jesus to be truly preached, and His 
holy Sacraments to be rightly ministered ; so can we not cease 
to require idolatry, with all monuments and places of the same, 
as abbeys, monasteries, friaries, nunneries, chapels, chantries, 
cathedral kirks, canonries, colleges, others than presently are 
parish kirks or schools, to be utterly suppressed in all bounds 
and places of this realm, except only the palaces, mansions, 
and dwelling places adjacent thereto, with orchards and yards 
of the same. As also that idolatry may be removed from the 
presence of all persons of whatsoever estate or condition within 
this realm. 

Let your honours be assuredly persuaded that where 
idolatry is maintained, or permitted where it may be sup 
pressed, there shall God s wrath reign, not only upon the blind 
and obstinate idolater, but also upon the negligent sufferers 
of the same; especially if God have armed their hands 
with power to suppress such abomination. By idolatry 
we understand the Mass, invocation of saints, adoration 
of images, and the keeping and retaining of the same: and 
finally all honouring of God, not contained in His holy 

IV. Concerning Ministers and their Lawful Election. 

i. In a Kirk reformed or tending to reformation, none 
ought to presume to preach, or to minister the Sacraments, 
until they be called to the same in proper form. Ordinary 
vocation consisteth in election, examination, and admission ; 
and, because election of ministers in this cursed Papistry has 
altogether been abused, we think it expedient to treat of it 
more largely. 

It appertaineth to the people, and to every several con 
gregation, to elect their minister. And in case that they be 
found negligent therein the space of forty days, the best re 
formed kirk, to wit, the church of the Superintendent with 
his Council, may present unto them a man whom they judge 


apt to feed the flock of Christ Jesus, who must be examined as 
well in life and manners, as in doctrine and knowledge. 

And that this may be done with more exact diligence, the 
persons that are to be examined must be commanded to 
compear before men of soundest judgment, resident in some 
principal town adjacent unto them ; as they that be in Fife, 
Angus, Mearns, or Strathearn, to present themselves in St. 
Andrews ; those that be in Lothian, Merse, or Teviotdale, in 
Edinburgh ; and likewise those that be in other districts must 
resort to the best reformed cities or towns, that is, to the city 
of the Superintendent. There, first, in the schools or, failing 
that, in open assembly, and before the congregation, they must 
give declaration of their gifts, utterance, and knowledge, by 
interpreting some place of Scripture to be appointed by the 
ministry. This ended, the person that is presented, or that 
offered himself to the administration of the kirk, must be 
examined by the ministers and elders of the kirk, and that 
openly and before all that list to hear, in all the chief points 
that now lie in controversy betwixt us and the Papists, Ana 
baptists, Arians, or other such enemies to the Christian religion. 
If he be found sound, able to persuade by wholesome doctrine, 
and to convince the gainsayers, then must he be directed to 
the kirk and congregation where he should serve, that there, 
in open audience of his flock, in divers public sermons, he may 
give confession of his faith in the articles of Justification, of 
the office of Christ Jesus, of the number, effect, and use of the 
Sacraments ; and finally, of the whole religion, which heretofore 
hath been corrupted by the Papists. 

If his doctrine be found wholesome, and able to instruct 
the simple, and if the Kirk justly can reprehend nothing in 
his life, doctrine, nor utterance, then we judge the kirk which 
before was destitute, unreasonable if they refuse him whom 
the Kirk did offer, and that they should be compelled, by 
the censure of the Council and Kirk, to receive the person 
appointed and approven by the judgment of the godly and 
learned ; unless the same kirk have presented a man better 
or as well qualified to the examination, before this foresaid 
trial of the person presented by the Council of the, whole 


Kirk. As, for example, the Council of the Kirk presents to 
any kirk a man to be their minister, not knowing that they 
are otherwise provided : in the meantime, the kirk is pro 
vided with another, sufficient in their judgment for that 
charge, whom they present to the learned ministers and next 
reformed kirk to be examined. In this case the presentation 
of the people to whom he should be appointed pastor must be 
preferred to the presentation of the Council or greater kirk ; 
unless the person presented by the inferior kirk be judged 
unable for the regiment by the learned. For it must be 
altogether avoided that any man be violently intrused or 
thrust in upon any congregation. This liberty must be care 
fully reserved to every several congregation, to have their 
votes and suffrages in election of their ministers. But we 
do not call it violent intrusion when the Council of the Kirk, 
in the fear of God, and for the salvation of the people, offereth 
unto them a sufficient man to instruct them; and him they 
shall not be forced to admit before just examination, as before 
is said. 

2. What may disqualify any person for admission to the 
ministry of the Kirk. It is to be observed that no person 
noted with public infamy, or being unable to edify the Kirk 
by wholesome doctrine, or being known of corrupt judgment, 
be either promoted to the regiment of the Kirk, or yet received 
in ecclesiastical administration. 

By public infamy we understand, not the common sins 
and offences which any has committed in time of blindness, 
by frailty (if of the same, by a better and more sober con 
versation, he hath declared himself verily penitent), but such 
capital crimes as the civil sword ought and may punish with 
death, according to the word of God. For, besides that the 
Apostle requireth the life of ministers to be so irreprehensible, 
that they have a good testimony from those that be without, 
we judge it a thing unseemly and dangerous, that he shall 
have public authority to preach to others the life everlasting, 
from whom the civil magistrate may take the life temporal for 
a crime publicly committed. And if any object that the prince 
has pardoned his offence, and that he has publicly repented, 


and so is not only his life in assurance, but also that he may 
be received to the ministry of the Kirk; we answer that 
repentance does not take away the temporal punishment of 
the law, neither doth the pardon of the prince remove his 
infamy before man. 

That the life and conversation of the person presented, 
or to be elected, may be the more clearly known, public edicts 
must be directed to all parts of this realm, or at the least to 
those parts where the person hath been most conversant : as 
where he was nourished in letters, or where he continued 
after the years of infancy and childhood were passed. Strait 
commandment would be given that if any capital crimes were 
committed by him they should be notified ; as, if he hath com 
mitted wilful murder, or adultery, if he were a common forni- 
cator, a thief, a drunkard, a fighter, a brawler, or a contentious 
person. These edicts ought to be notified in the chief cities, 
with the like charge and commandment, with declaration that 
such as concealed his known sins did, so far as in them lay, 
deceive and betray the Kirk, which is the spouse of Christ 
Jesus, and did communicate with the sins of that wicked man. 

3. Admission of Ministers. The admission of ministers to 
their offices, must consist in consent of the people and kirk 
whereto they shall be appointed, and in approbation of the 
learned ministers appointed for their examination. 

We judge it expedient, that the admission of ministers be 
in open audience ; that some especial minister make a sermon 
touching the duty and office of ministers, touching their 
manners, conversation, and life, as also touching the obedience 
which the kirk owe to their ministers. Commandment should 
be given as well to the minister as unto the people, both being 
present, to wit, that he with all careful diligence attend upon 
the Hock of Christ Jesus, over which he is appointed preacher ; 
that he will walk in the presence of God so sincerely that the 
graces of the Holy Spirit may be multiplied unto him, and in 
the presence of men so soberly and uprightly that his life may 
confirm, in the eyes of men, that which by tongue and word 
he persuadeth unto others. The people would be exhorted to 
reverence and honour their ministers chosen, as the servants 


and ambassadors of the Lord Jesus, obeying the command 
ments which they pronounce from God s mouth and book, 
even as they would obey God Himself ; for whosoever heareth 
Christ s ministers heareth Himself, and whosoever rejecteth 
them, and despiseth their ministry and exhortation, rejecteth 
and despiseth Christ Jesus. 

Other ceremony than the public approbation of the people, 
and declaration of the chief minister that the person there 
presented is appointed to serve that kirk, we cannot approve ; 
for albeit the Apostles used the imposition of hands, yet, seeing 
the miracle is ceased, the using of the ceremony we judge is 
not necessary. 

The minister elected or presented, examined, and, as said 
is, publicly admitted, must not at his pleasure leave the flock 
to the which he has promised his fidelity and labours ; nor may 
the flock reject nor change him at their appetite, unless they 
be able to convict him of such crimes as deserve deposition. 
The whole Kirk, or the most part thereof, for just considera 
tions, may transfer a minister from one kirk to another : 
nor do we mean that men who now do serve as it were of 
benevolence may not be appointed and elected to serve in 
other places ; but we cannot approve that once being solemnly 
elected and admitted they should change at their own pleasure. 

We are not ignorant that the rarity of godly and learned 
men shall seem to some a just reason why so strait and 
sharp examination should not be taken universally, because 
it shall appear that the most part of the kirks shall have no 
minister at all. But let these men understand that the lack 
of able men shall not excuse us before God if, by our consent, 
unable men be placed over the flock of Christ Jesus ; as also 
that amongst the Gentiles, godly, learned men were as rare as 
they be now amongst us, when the Apostle gave the rule to 
try and examine ministers which we now follow. Let them 
understand that it is alike to have no minister at all, and to 
have an idol in the place of a true minister, yea and in some 
cases it is worse ; for those that be utterly destitute of ministers 
will be diligent to search for them ; but those that have a vain 
shadow do commonly without farther care content themselves 


with the same, and so remain they continually deceived, 
thinking that they have a minister, when in very deed they 
have none. We cannot judge a dispenser of God s mysteries 
him who in no wise can break the bread of life to the fainting 
and hungry souls ; neither judge we that the Sacraments can 
be rightly ministered by him in whose mouth God has put no 
sermon of exhortation. 

The chiefest remedy left to your honours and to us, in all 
this rarity of true ministers, is fervent prayer unto God, that 
it will please His mercy to thrust out faithful workmen into 
this His harvest ; and next, that your honours, with the 
consent of the Kirk, are bound by your authority to compel 
such men as have gifts and graces able to edify the Kirk of 
God, that they bestow them where greatest necessity shall be 
known ; for no man may be permitted to live idle, or as he 
himself lists, but he must be appointed to travail where your 
wisdoms and the Kirk shall think expedient. 

We cannot prescribe unto your honours certain rule how 
that ye shall distribute the ministers and learned men, whom 
God has already sent unto you. But hereof we are assured, that 
it greatly hindereth the progress of Christ s Evangel within this 
poor realm, that some altogether abstract their labours from 
the Kirk, and others remain together in one place, the most 
part of them being idle. And therefore of your honours we 
require in God s name, that by the authority which ye have of 
God, ye compel all men to whom God has given any talent to 
persuade by wholesome doctrine, to bestow the same, if they 
be called by the Kirk to the advancement of Christ s glory, 
and to the comfort of His troubled flock ; and that ye, with 
the consent of the Kirk, assign unto your chiefest workmen, 
not only towns to remain in, but also provinces, that by their 
faithful labours kirks may be erected, and order established, 
where none is now. If 011 this manner ye will use your power 
and authority, chiefly seeking God s glory, and the comfort of 
your brethren, we doubt not but God shall bless you and your 

4. For Readers. To the kirks where no ministers can be had 
presently must be appointed the most apt men that distinctly 


can read the Common Prayers and the Scriptures, to exercise 
both themselves and the Kirk, till they grow to greater per 
fection; and in process of time he that is but a reader may 
attain to the further degree, and, by consent of the Kirk and 
discreet ministers, may be permitted to administer the Sacra 
ments : but not before he be able somewhat to persuade by 
wholesome doctrine, besides his reading, and be admitted to 
the ministry. We know some that of long time have professed 
Christ Jesus, whose honest conversation deserved praise of all 
godly men, and whose knowledge also might greatly help the 
simple, who yet only content themselves with reading. These 
must be animated and, by gentle admonition, encouraged by 
some exhortation to comfort their brethren, and so may be 
admitted to administration of the Sacraments. But such 
readers as have had neither exercise nor continuance in 
Christ s true religion must abstain from ministration of the 
Sacraments, until they give declaration and witness of their 
honesty and further knowledge. 1 

V. Concerning Provision for the Ministers, and for 
Distribution of the Rents and Possessions justly 
appertaining to the Kirk. 

Seeing that from our Master Christ Jesus and His Apostle 
Paul we have it that the workman is worthy of his reward, and 
that the mouth of the labouring ox ought not to be muzzled, of 
necessity it is that honest provision be made for the ministers. 
This we require to be such that they have neither occasion of 
solicitude nor of insolence and wantonness. And this provision 
must be made not only for their own sustentation during their 
lives, but also for their wives and children after them. For 

1 The Lords think that none should be admitted to preach unless they are 
qualified therefor, but rather that they should be retained as readers ; and such 
as are preachers already, not found qualified for that office by the Superin 
tendent, should be placed as readers. (Additio.) [Here and at sundry other 
points in the Book there are incorporated passages marked " Additio," import 
ing emendations made by the Lords upon the original document submitted by 
the Compilers. In the present edition these emendations are, in most instances, 
transferred to footnotes. ED.] 


we judge it a thing most contrarious to reason, godliness, and 
equity that the widow and children of him who in his life did 
faithfully serve the Kirk of God, and for that cause did not 
carefully make provision for his family, should, after his death, 
be left comfortless of all provision. 1 

It is difficult to appoint a stipend to every several minister, 
by reason that the charges and necessity of all will not be 
alike ; for some will be continuers in one place, while some 
will be compelled to travel and oft to change dwelling-place if 
they shall have charge of divers kirks. Some will be burdened 
with wife and children, and one with more than another, and 
some perchance will be single men. If equal stipends be 
appointed to all those that in charge are so unequal, one 
would suffer penury, or another would have superfluity and 
too much. 

We judge, therefore, that every minister should have 
sufficient whereupon to keep a house and be sustained honestly 
in all things necessary, as well for keeping of his house, as 
clothes, flesh, fish, books, fuel, and other things necessary. 
Provision should be made for this from the rents and treasury 
of the kirk where he serveth, at the discretion of the con 
gregation, conform to the quality of the person and necessity of 
the time. It is thought good that every minister should have 
at least forty bolls meal and twenty-six bolls malt, to find his 
house in bread and drink, and so much more as the discretion 
of the kirk finds necessary. He should have, besides, money 
for buying other provision to his house, and other necessaries, 
and the modification of this is referred to the judgment of the 
kirk, to be made every year at the choosing of the elders and 
deacons of the kirk ; providing always that there be advanced 
to every minister sufficient provision of all things for a quarter 
of a year beforehand. 2 

For those that travel from place to place, whom we call 
Superintendents, who remain a month or less in one place for 
the establishing of the Kirk, and thereafter, for the same 

1 Provision for the wives of ministers after their decease to be remitted to 
the discretion of the Kirk. (Additio.) 

- This paragraph was an additio of the Lords of the Congregation. 


purpose, change to another place, further consideration must 
be had. To each Superintendent there should be allowed, 
we think, six chalders 1 bear, 2 nine chalders meal, three 
chalders oats for his horse, and five hundred marks of 
money. This shall be eked and pared at the discretion 
of the prince and council of the realm, and be paid to him 

The children of the ministers must have the liberties of the 
cities next adjacent the place of their father s labours, freely 
granted. They must have the privileges in schools, and bur 
saries in colleges ; that is, they shall be sustained at learning, 
if they be found apt thereto, and failing thereof, they shall be 
put to some handicraft, or exercised in some virtuous industry, 
whereby they may become profitable members of the common 
wealth. 3 

In God s presence we bear witness that we require these 
provisions not so much for ourselves, or for any that to us 
appertain, as for the increase of virtue and learning, and for 
the profit of the posterity to come. It is not to be supposed 
that any man will dedicate himself and his children to God, 
and so serve His Kirk that he will look for no worldly com 
modity. This cankered nature which we bear is provoked to 
follow virtue when it seeth honour and profit annexed to the 
same, as, contrarily, virtue is despised of many when virtuous 
and godly men live without honour. And, too, we should be 
sorry that poverty should discourage men from study and from 
following the way of virtue, whereby they might edify the 
Kirk and flock of Christ Jesus. 

We have not spoken of the stipend of readers, because, if 
they can do nothing but read, they can be neither called nor 
judged true ministers. And yet regard must be had to their 
labours ; but only that they may be spurred forward to virtue, 
and not by a stipend appointed for their reading be retained 
permanently in that estate. For a reader that is lately entered, 

1 A measure of about 90 bushels, roughly. 2 Barley. 

3 We require the same for their daughters ; to wit, that they be virtuously 
brought up, and honestly doted when they come to maturity of years, at the 
discretion of the Kirk. (Additio.) 


we think forty marks, more or less, as the parishioners and 
readers can agree, should be sufficient. He must teach the 
children of the parish, besides reading the Common Prayers 
and the books of the New and Old Testaments. If from 
reading he begin to exhort and explain the Scriptures, then 
ought his stipend to be augmented, until, finally, he come to 
the honour of a minister. But if he be found unable after two 
years, then must he be removed from office, and discharged of 
all stipend, in order that another may be proven as long. It is 
always to be avoided, that any reader who is judged unable to 
come at any time to some reasonable knowledge, whereby he 
may edify the Kirk, shall perpetually be nourished upon the 
charge of the Kirk. Further, it must be avoided that any 
child, or person within twenty-one years of age, be admitted to 
the office of a reader. Eeaders ought to be endowed with 
gravity, wit, and discretion, lest by their lightness the Prayers 
or Scriptures read be of less price and estimation. The 
readers shall be put in by the Kirk, and admitted by the 

For the other sort of readers who have long continued in 
godliness, have some gift of exhortation, are in hope to attain 
to the degree of a minister, and teach the children, we think a 
hundred marks, or more at the discretion of the Kirk, may 
be appointed ; difference being made betwixt them and the 
ministers that openly preach the word and minister the 

There still remain other two sorts of people to be provided 
for, from that which is called the patrimony of the Kirk, to 
wit, the poor and the teachers of youth. Every several kirk 
must provide for the poor within itself ; for fearful and horrible 
it is that the poor (whom not only God the Father in His law, 
but Christ Jesus in His Evangel, and the Holy Spirit speaking 
by St. Paul, have so earnestly commended to our care) are 
universally so contemned and despised. We are not patrons 
for stubborn and idle beggars, who, running from place to 
place, make a craft of their begging. Them the civil magistrate 
ought to punish ; but God commandeth His people to be careful 
for the widow and fatherless, the aged, impotent, or lamed, who 


neither can nor may travail for their sustentation. For these 
latter, as also for persons of honesty fallen into decay and 
penury, such provision ought to be made, that of our abundance 
should their indigence be relieved. 

How, most conveniently and most easily, this may be done 
in every city, and in other parts of this realm, God shall 
show you wisdom and the means, if your minds shall godly 
thereto be inclined. All must not be suffered to beg that 
gladly so would do ; neither yet must beggars remain where 
they choose ; but the stout and strong beggar must be com 
pelled to work, and every person that may not work must be 
compelled to repair to the place where he or she was born (unless 
of long continuance he or she have remained in one place), 
and there reasonable provision must be made, as the Church 
shall appoint. The order nor sums, in our judgment, cannot 
be particularly appointed, until such time as the poor of every 
city, town, or parish be compelled to repair to the places 
where they were born, or to the place of their residence. 
There their names and number must be taken and put in 
roll ; and then may the wisdom of the kirk appoint stipends 

VI. Of the Superintendents. 1 

i. Because we have appointed a larger stipend to these 
that shall be Superintendents than to the rest of the ministers, 
we have thought good to signify such reasons as moved us to 
make difference betwixt preachers at this time; as also how 
many Superintendents we think necessary, with their bounds, 
office, the manner of their election, and causes that may deserve 
deposition from that charge. 

We consider that, if the ministers whom God hath endowed 
with His singular graces amongst us should be appointed to 
several and certain places, there to make their continual 
residence, the greatest part of this realm should be destitute 

1 The Sections are numbered in this edition as in the edition of 1722. 
Originally the Book of Discipline had nine " heads " with sundry sub-headings, 
numbered in some cases and not in others. The numbering coincides up to this 
point. ED. 


of all doctrine. This would not only give occasion for great 
murmuring, but would be dangerous to the salvation of many. 
Therefore we have thought it a tiling most expedient for this 
time that, from the whole number of godly and learned men 
now presently in this realm, there be selected twelve or ten (for 
into so many provinces have we divided the whole) to whom 
charge and commandment shall be given to plant and erect 
churches, and to set order and appoint ministers, as the former 
order prescribeth, to the districts that shall be appointed to 
their care, where none are now. By these means your love 
and common care over all the inhabitants of this realm, to 
whom ye are equal debtors, shall evidently appear ; and the 
simple and ignorant, who perchance have never heard Jesus 
Christ truly preached, shall come to some knowledge. Many 
that now be dead in superstition and ignorance shall attain to 
some feeling of godliness, and may be provoked to search and 
seek further knowledge of God, and of His true religion and 
worshipping. On the contrary, if they be neglected, they 
shall not only grudge, but also they shall seek the. means 
whereby they may continue in their blindness, or return to 
their accustomed idolatry. Therefore nothing desire we more 
earnestly than that Christ Jesus be universally once preached 
throughout this realm ; and this shall not suddenly be, unless 
men be appointed and compelled faithfully to travel in such 
provinces as to them shall be assigned. 

2. The Names of the Places of Residence, and several Dioceses 
of the Superintendents. (i) The Superintendent of Orkney; 
whose diocese shall be the Isles of Orkney, Shetland, Caith 
ness, and Strathnaver. His residence to be in the town of 
Kirk wall. 

(2) The Superintendent of Eoss ; whose diocese shall com 
prehend Eoss, Sutherland, Moray, with the North Isles of 
Skye, and the Lewis, with their adjacents. His residence to 
be in Chanonry of Eoss. 

(3) The Superintendent of Argyll ; whose diocese shall com 
prehend Argyll, Kintyre, Lome, the South Isles, Arran, and 
Bute, with their adjacents, with Lochaber. His residence to 
be in Argyll. 


(4) The Superintendent of Aberdeen ; whose diocese is be 
twixt Dee and Spey, containing the sheriffdom of Aberdeen 
and Banff. His residence to be in Old Aberdeen. 

(5) The Superintendent of Brechin ; whose diocese shall be 
the whole sheriffdoms of Mearns and Angus, and the Brae of 
Mar to Dee. His residence to be in Brechin. 

(6) The Superintendent of St. Andrews ; whose diocese shall 
comprehend the whole sheriffdom of Fife and Fotheringham 
to Stirling ; and the whole sheriffdom of Perth. His residence 
to be in St. Andrews. 

(7) The Superintendent of Edinburgh ; whose diocese shall 
comprehend the whole sheriffdoms of Lothian, and Stirling on 
the south side of the Water of Forth ; and thereto is added, 
by consent of the whole Church, Merse, Lauderdale, and 
Wedale. 1 His residence to be in Edinburgh. 

(8) The Superintendent of Jedburgh ; whose diocese shall 
comprehend Teviotdale, Tweeddale, Liddesdale, with the 
Forest of Ettrick. His residence to be Jedburgh. 

(9) The Superintendent of Glasgow ; whose diocese shall 
comprehend Clydesdale, Kenfrew, Monteith, Lennox, Kyle, 
and Cunningham. His residence to be in Glasgow. 

(10) The Superintendent of Dumfries; whose diocese shall 
comprehend Galloway, Carrick, Nithsdale, Annandale, with 
the rest of the Dales in the west. His residence to be in 

Those men must not be suffered to live as your idle bishops 
have done heretofore ; neither must they remain where gladly 
they would. They must be preachers themselves, and such as 
may make no long residence in any one place, until their 
churches be planted and provided with ministers, or at the 
least with readers. 

Charge must be given to them that they remain in no one 
place above twenty or thirty days in their visitation, until 
they have passed through their whole bounds. They must 
preach thrice every week, at the least ; and when they return 

1 The tract of country drained by the Gala Water and Caden Water. It 
comprised an ecclesiastical district in the unreformed Church, and subsequently 
a parish, of which the town of Stow formed the central point. ED. 


to their principal town and residence they must be likewise 
exercised in preaching and in edification of the Church there ; 
and yet they must not be suffered to continue there so long, 
as that they seem to neglect their other churches. After they 
have remained in their chief town three or four months at 
most, they shall be compelled, unless by sickness they be 
detained, to re-enter upon visitation. They shall not only 
preach, but also shall examine the life, diligence, and behaviour 
of the ministers, the order of their churches, and the manners 
of the people. They must further consider how the poor are 
provided for, and how the youth are instructed ; they must 
admonish where admonition is needed, restore order where by 
good counsel they are able to appease ; and, finally, they must 
note such crimes as are heinous, that by the censure of the 
Church the same may be corrected. 

If the Superintendent be found negligent in any of these 
chief points of his office, and especially if he be noted negligent 
in preaching of the Word, and in visitation of his churches ; 
or if he be convicted of any of those crimes which in the 
common ministers are condemned, he must be deposed, with 
out respect to his person or office. 

3. Of the Election of Superintendents. In this present 
necessity, the nomination, examination, and admission of 
Superintendents cannot be so strait as we require, and as 
afterwards it must be. For the present, therefore, we think 
sufficient that either your honours, by yourselves, nominate 
so many as may serve the forewritten provinces ; or that ye 
give commission to men in whom ye suppose the fear of God 
to be, to do the same ; these men, being called into your 
presence, shall be by you, and by such as your honours may 
please to call unto you for consultation in that case, appointed 
to their provinces. We think it expedient and necessary, that 
the gentlemen, as well as the burgesses of every diocese, be 
made privy at the same time to the election of the Super 
intendent, both to bring the Church into some practice of her 
liberty, and to make the pastor better favoured of the ilock 
whom themselves have chosen. 

If your honours cannot find for the present so many able 


men as the necessity requireth, then, on our judgments, it is 
more profitable that those provinces remain vacant until God 
provide better, rather than that men unable to edify and 
govern the Church be suddenly placed in that charge. For 
experience hath taught us what pestilence hath been en 
gendered in the Church by men unable to discharge their 

When, therefore, after three years, any Superintendent 
shall depart, or chance to be deposed, the chief town within 
that province, to wit, the ministers, elders, and deacons, with 
the magistrate and council of the same town, shall nominate, 
and by public edicts proclaim, as well to the Superintendent, 
as to two or three provinces next adjacent, two or three of the 
most learned and most godly ministers within the whole realm, 
that from amongst them, one with public consent may be 
elected and appointed to the office then vacant. The chief 
town shall be bound to do this within the term of twenty 
days. If this period expire and no man be presented, then 
shall three of the next adjacent provinces, with consent of 
their Superintendents, ministers, and elders, enter into the 
right and privileges of the chief town, and shall present every 
one of them one, or two if they list, to the chief town, to be 
examined as the order requireth. It shall also be lawful for 
all the churches of the diocese to nominate within the same 
time such persons as they think worthy to stand in election ; 
and this must be put in edict. 

After the nominations are made, public edicts must be 
sent, first warning all men that have any objection against 
the persons nominated, or against any one of them, to be 
present in the chief town at day and place appointed, to object 
what they can against the election. Thirty days we think 
sufficient to be assigned thereto ; thirty days, we mean, after 
the nomination shall be made. 

The day of election being come, the whole ministers of that 
province, with three or more of the Superintendents next ad 
jacent, or thereto named, shall examine not only the learning, 
but also the manners, prudence, and ability to govern the 
Church, of all those that are nominated; that he who shall 


be found most worthy may be burdened with the charge. If 
the ministers of the whole province should bring with them 
the votes of those that were committed to their care, the 
election should be the more free ; but, always, the votes of all 
those that convene must be required. The examinations must 
be publicly made ; those that stand in election must publicly 
preach ; and men must be charged in the name of God, to vote 
according to conscience, and not after affection. If anything 
be objected against any that stand in election, the Superin 
tendents and ministers must consider whether the objection be 
made of conscience or of malice, and they must answer accord 
ingly. Other ceremonies than sharp examination, approbation 
of the ministers and Superintendents, with the public consent 
of the elders and people then present, we cannot allow. The 
Superintendent being elected, and appointed to his charge, 
must be subjected to the censure and correction of the 
ministers and elders, not only of his chief town, but also of the 
whole province over which he is appointed overseer. 

If his offences be known, and the ministers and elders of 
his province be negligent in correcting him, the next one or 
two Superintendents, with their ministers and elders, may 
convene him, and the ministers and elders of his chief town, 
within his own province or chief town ; and they may accuse 
and correct the Superintendent in those things that are worthy 
of correction, as well as the ministers and elders for their 
negligence and their ungodly tolerance of his offences. What 
soever crime deserves correction or deposition of any other 
minister deserveth the same in the Superintendent, without 
respect of person. 

After the Church is established, and three years be passed, 
we require that no man be called to the office of a Superin 
tendent, who hath not for two years at least, given declaration 
of his faithful labours in the ministry of some church. 

No Superintendent may be transferred at the pleasure or 
request of any one province without the consent of the whole 
Council of the Church, and that only for grave causes and 

Of one thing, in the end, we must admonish your honours. 


In appointing Superintendents for the present, ye may not 
disappoint your chief towns, and places where learning is 
exercised, of such ministers, as more may profit by residence 
in one place than by continual travel from place to place. 
For if ye so do, the youth in those places shall lack the pro 
found interpretation of the Scriptures ; and so shall it be long 
before your gardens send forth many plants. On the contrary, 
if one or two towns be continually exercised as they may, the 
Commonwealth shall shortly taste of their fruit, to the comfort 
of the godly. 

VII. Of Schools and Universities. 

As the office and duty of the godly magistrate is not only 
to purge the Church of God from ail superstition, and to set 
it at liberty from bondage of tyrants, but also to provide, to 
the uttermost of his power, that it may abide in the same 
purity to the posterities following, we cannot but freely com 
municate our judgments to your honours in this behalf. 

I. The Necessity of Schools. Seeing that God hath deter 
mined that His Church here on earth shall be taught not by 
angels but by men ; and seeing that men are born ignorant of 
all godliness ; and seeing, also, how God ceaseth to illuminate 
men miraculously, suddenly changing them, as He changed 
His Apostles and others in the primitive Church : it is 
necessary that your honours be most careful for the virtuous 
education and godly upbringing of the youth of this realm, if 
ye now thirst unfeignedly for the advancement of Christ s 
glory, or desire the continuance of His benefits to the genera 
tion following. For as the youth must succeed to us, so ought 
we to be careful that they have knowledge and erudition, for 
the profit and comfort of that which ought to be most dear to 
us, to wit, the Church and Spouse of the Lord Jesus. 

Therefore we judge it necessary that every several church 
have a schoolmaster appointed, such an one as is able, at least, 
to teach Grammar and the Latin tongue, if the town be of any 
reputation. If it be upaland, 1 where the people convene to 

1 At a, distance from the sea ; in the country. 


doctrine but once in the week, then must either the reader or 
the minister there take care of the children and youth of the 
parish, instructing them in their first rudiments, and especially 
in the Catechism, as we have it now translated in the Book of 
our Common Order, called the Order of Geneva. And, farther, 
we think it expedient that in every notable town, and especi 
ally in the town of the Superintendent, there be erected a 
college, in which the Arts, at least Logic and Rhetoric, together 
with the tongues, shall be read by sufficient Masters. For 
these honest stipends must be appointed ; and provision must 
be made for those that are poor, and are not able by them 
selves, nor by their friends, to be sustained at letters, especi 
ally such as come from landward. 

The fruit and commodity hereof shall speedily appear. 
For, first, the youths and tender children shall be nourished 
and brought up in virtue, in presence of their friends; by 
whose good care may be avoided those many inconveniences 
into which youth commonly falls, either by too much liberty, 
which they have in strange and unknown places while they 
cannot rule themselves ; or else for lack of good care, and of 
such necessities as their tender age requireth. Secondarily, 
the exercise of the children in every church shall be great 
instruction to the aged. 

Lastly, the great schools, called Universities, shall be re 
plenished with those that are apt to learn ; for this must be 
carefully provided, that no father, of what estate or condition 
that ever he be, use his children at his own fantasy, especially 
in their youth. All must be compelled to bring up their 
children in learning and virtue. 

The rich and potent may not be permitted to suffer their 
children to spend their youth in vain idleness, as heretofore 
they have done. They must be exhorted, and by the censure 
of the Church compelled to dedicate their sons, by good 
exercise, to the profit of the Church and to the Common 
wealth ; and this they must do at their own expense, because 
they are able. The children of the poor must be supported 
and sustained as the charge of the Church, until trial be taken 
whether the spirit of docility be found in them or not. If they 


be found apt to letters and learning, then may they not (we 
mean, neither the sons of the rich, nor yet the sons of the 
poor) be permitted to reject learning. They must be charged 
to continue their study, so that the Commonwealth may have 
some comfort by them. For this purpose must discreet, 
learned, and grave men be appointed to visit all schools for 
the trial of their exercise, profit, and continuance ; to wit, the 
ministers and elders, with the best learned in every town, shall 
every quarter take examination how the youth have profited. 

A certain time must be appointed to reading, and to 
learning of the Catechism ; a certain time to Grammar, and 
to the Latin tongue; a certain time to the Arts, Philosophy, 
and to the other tongues; and a certain time to that study 
in which they intend chiefly to travail for the profit of the 
Commonwealth. This time being expired, we mean in every 
course, the children must either proceed to farther knowledge, 
or else they must be sent to some handicraft, or to some other 
profitable exercise. Care must always be taken that first they 
have the form of knowledge of Christian religion, to wit, the 
knowledge of God s law and commandments ; the use and 
office of the same ; the chief articles of our belief ; the right 
form to pray unto God ; the number, use, and effect of the 
Sacraments ; the true knowledge of Christ Jesus, of His office 
and natures, and such others. Without this knowledge, neither 
deserveth any man to be named a Christian, nor ought any to 
be admitted to the participation of the Lord s Table ; and, 
therefore, these principles ought to be taught and must be 
learned in youth. 

2. The Times appointed to every Course. Two years 
we think more than sufficient to learn to read perfectly, to 
answer to the Catechism, and to have some entrance to the 
first rudiments of Grammar. For the full accomplishment of 
the Grammar, we think other three or four years, at most, 
sufficient. For the Arts, to wit, Logic and Rhetoric, and for 
the Greek tongue, we allow four years. The rest of youth, 
until the age of twenty-four years, should be spent in that 
study wherein the learner would profit the Church or Common 
wealth, be it in the Laws or Physic or Divinity. After twenty- 


four years have been spent in the schools, the learner must be 
removed to serve the Church or Commonwealth, unless he be 
found a necessary reader in the same College or University. 
If God shall move your hearts to establish and execute this 
order, and put these things into practice, your whole realm, 
we doubt not, within few years, shall serve itself with true 
preachers and other officers necessary for your Commonwealth. 

3. The Erection of Universities. The Grammar schools 
and schools of the tongues being erected as we have said, next 
we think it necessary that there be three Universities in this 
whole realm, established in the towns accustomed : the first in 
St. Andrews, the second in Glasgow, and the third in Aberdeen. 

In the first University and principal, which is St. Andrews, 
there be three Colleges. And in the first College, which is the 
entrance of the University, there be four classes or sessions : the 
first, to the new supposts, 1 shall be only Dialectic ; the next, 
only Mathematics ; the third, of Physic only ; the fourth, of 
Medicine. And in the second College, two classes or sessions : 
the first, in Moral Philosophy ; the second, in the Law r s. And 
in the third College, two classes or sessions : the first, in the 
tongues, to wit, Greek and Hebrew ; the second, in Divinity. 

4. Of Headers, and of the Degrees, of Time, and Study. In 
the first College, and in the first class, shall be a reader 2 of 
Dialectic, who shall accomplish his course thereof in one year. 
In the Mathematic, which is the second class, shall be a reader 
who shall complete his course of Arithmetic, Geometry, Cosmo 
graphy, and Astrology in one year. In the third class, shall 
be a reader of Natural Philosophy, who shall complete his 
course in a year. And he who, after these three years, by trial 
and examination, shall be found sufficiently instructed in these 
aforesaid sciences, shall be laureate and graduate in Philosophy. 
In the fourth class, shall be a reader of Medicine, who shall 
complete his course in five years. After the study for this 
time, he who is by examination found sufficient, shall be 
graduate in Medicine. 

In the second College, in the first class, there shall be one 
reader only in the Ethics, Economics, and Politics, who shall 

1 Scholars ; undergraduates. 2 Tutor. 

2 5 


complete his course in the space of one year. In the second 
class, shall be two readers in the Municipal and Eoman Laws, 
who shall complete their courses in four years. After this 
time, those who by examination are found sufficient, shall be 
graduate in the Laws. 

In the third College, in the first class, there shall be a 
reader of the Hebrew, and another of the Greek tongue, who 
shall complete the grammars thereof in half a year, and for the 
remnant of the year, the reader of the Hebrew shall interpret 
a Book of Moses, the Prophets or the Psalms; so that his 
course and class shall continue a year. The reader of the 
Greek shall interpret some book of Plato, together with some 
place of the New Testament. And in the second class, there 
shall be two readers in Divinity, one in the New Testament, 
the other in the Old. These shall complete their course in five 
years. After this time, those shall be graduate in Divinity 
who shall be found by examination sufficient. 

We think it expedient that no one be admitted unto the 
first College, and to be suppost of the University, unless he 
have from the master of the school, and from the minister of 
the town where he was instructed in the tongues, a testimonial 
of his learning, docility, 1 age, and parentage. Likewise, trial 
shall be taken by certain examiners, deputed by the rector 
and Principals, and if he be found sufficiently instructed in 
Dialectic, he shall forthwith, that same year, be promoted to 
the class of Mathematic. 

None shall be admitted to the class of Medicine but he that 
shall have his testimonial of his time well spent in Dialectic, 
Mathematic, and Physic, and of his docility l in the last. 

None shall be admitted to the class of the Laws but he that 
shall have sufficient testimonials of his time well spent in 
Dialectic, Mathematic, Physic, Ethic, Economics, and Politics, 
and of his docility in the last. 

None shall be admitted unto the class and session of 

Divinity but he that shall have sufficient testimonials of his 

time well spent in Dialectic, Mathematic, Physic, Ethic, 

Economic, Moral Philosophy, and the Hebrew tongue, and 

1 Capacity for receiving instruction. 


of his docility in Moral Philosophy and the Hebrew tongue. 
But neither shall such as will apply them to hear the Laws be 
compelled to hear Medicine ; nor such as apply them to hear 
Divinity be compelled to hear either Medicine or the Laws. 

In the second University, which is Glasgow, there shall be 
two Colleges only. In the first shall be a class of Dialectic, 
another in Mathematic, the third in Physic, ordered in all sorts 
as St. Andrews. In the second College there shall be four 
classes : the first in Moral Philosophy, Ethics, Economics, and 
Politics ; the second, of the Municipal and Roman Law ; the 
third, of the Hebrew tongue ; the fourth, in Divinity. These 
shall be ordered in all sorts, as we have written in the order 
of the University of St. Andrews. 

The third University of Aberdeen shall be conform to this 
University of Glasgow, in all sorts. 

We think it needful that there be chosen from the body of 
the University a Principal for every College a man of learning, 
discretion, and diligence. He shall receive the whole rents of 
the College, and distribute the same according to the erection 
of the College, and shall daily hearken the diet accounts, 
adjoining to him weekly one of the readers or regents. In the 
oversight of the readers and regents he shall watch over their 
diligence, in their reading, as well as their exercitation of the 
youth in the matter taught. He shall have charge of the policy 
and uphold of the place ; and for punishment of crimes, shall 
hold a weekly convention with the whole members of the 
College. He shall be accountable yearly to the Superin 
tendent, Eector, and rest of the Principals convened, about 
the first of November. His election shall be in this sort. 
There shall be three of the most sufficient men of the Univer 
sity, not Principals already, nominated by the members of the 
College (sworn to follow their consciences) whose Principal is 
departed, and publicly proponed through the whole University. 
After eight days the Superintendent, by himself or his special 
Procurator, with the Eector and rest of the Principals, as a 
chapter convened, shall confirm that one of the three whom 
they think most sufficient, being before sworn to do the same 
with single eye, without respect to fee or favour. 


In every College, we think needful at the least one 
steward, one cook, one gardener, and one porter. These 
shall be subject to discipline of the Principal, as the rest. 

Every University shall have a beadle subject to serve at 
all times throughout the whole University, as the Rector and 
Principals shall command. 

Every University shall have a Rector, chosen from year to 
year as follows. The Principals being convened with the whole 
Regents in chapter, shall be sworn that every man in his room 
shall nominate such one as his conscience shall testify to be 
most sufficient to bear such charge and dignity ; and three of 
them that shall be of test nominated shall be put in edict 
publicly, fifteen days before Michaelmas. On Michaelmas 
Even shall be convened the whole Principals, Regents, and 
Supposts that are graduate, or have at least studied their time 
in Ethics, Economics, and Politics, and no others younger ; and 
every nation, 1 first protesting in God s presence to follow the 
sincere dictate of their consciences, shall nominate one of the 
said three. He that has most votes shall be confirmed by the 
Superintendent and Principal, and his duty with an exhorta 
tion shall be proponed unto him. This shall be done on the 
twenty-eighth day of September ; and thereafter oaths shall be 
taken, hinc inde, for his just and godly government, and of the 
remnant s lawful submission and obedience. At his entrance 
to the University he shall be propyned with a new garment, 
bearing Insignia Magistratus ; and he shall be bound to visit 
every College monthly, and with his presence to decorate and 
examine the lections and exercitation thereof. His assessors 
shall be a lawyer and a theologian, with whose advice he shall 
decide all civil questions betwixt the members of the Univer 
sity. If any one outside the University shall pursue a member 
thereof, or be pursued by a member of the same, the Rector 
shall assist the Provost and Bailies, or other judges competent, 
to see that justice be ministered in these cases. Likewise, if 
any of the University be criminally pursued, he shall assist 
the judges competent, and see that justice be ministered. 

We think it expedient, that in every College, in each 

1 Classification of students according to birthplace. 


University, there be twenty-four bursars, divided equally in 
all the classes and sessions, as is above expressed: that is, in 
St. Andrews, seventy-two bursars; in Glasgow, forty-eight 
bursars ; in Aberdeen, forty-eight ; to be sustained only in 
meat upon the charges of the College ; and be admitted at the 
examination of the ministry and chapter of Principals in the 
University, as well in docility of the persons offered, as of the 
ability of their parents to sustain them themselves, and not to 
burden the Commonwealth with them. 

5. Of Stipends and Expenses necessary. AVe think ex 
pedient that the Universities be doted with temporal lands, 
with rents, and revenues of the Bishoprics temporality, and of the 
Collegiate Kirks, as far as their ordinary charges shall require ; 
and therefore, we crave that it would please your honours, 
by advice of your honours Council and vote of Parliament, to 
do the same. And that the same may be shortly expedite, we 
have recollected the sums we think necessary for the same. 

(1) For the ordinary stipend of the Dialectitian Eeader, 
the Mathematician, Physician, and Header in Moral Philosophy, 
we think sufficient a hundred pounds for every one of them. 

(2) For the stipend of every Eeader in Medicine and Laws, a 
hundred and thirty-three pounds, six shillings and eight pence. 

(3) To every Reader in Hebrew, Greek, and Divinity, two 
hundred pounds. (4) To every Principal of a College, ij Ib. 
(5) To every Steward, sixteen pounds of fee. (6) To every 
Gardener, to every Cook, and to every Porter, each, ten marks. 
(7) To the board of every Bursar, other than those in the 
classes of Theology and Medicine, twenty pounds. (8) To 
every Bursar in the class of Theology, which will be only 
twelve persons in St. Andrews, 24 lib. 

The sum of yearly and ordinary expenses in 

the University of St. Andrews, extends to . 3796 lib. 

The sum of yearly and ordinary expenses of 

Glasgow ... . 2922 

Aberdeen, the same . . 2922 

The sum of the ordinary charges of the whole 9640 lib. 


The beadle s stipend shall be of every entrant and suppost 
of the University, two shillings ; of every one graduate in 
Philosophy, three shillings ; of every one graduate in Medicine 
or Laws, four shillings ; in Theology, five shillings ; all Bursars 
being excepted. 

We have thought good that, for building and upkeep of 
the places, a general collection be made ; and that every Earl s 
son, at his entrance to the University, shall give forty 
shillings, and suchlike at every graduation, forty shillings; 
every Lord s son suchlike at each time, thirty shillings ; each 
freeholding Baron s son, twenty shillings; every Feuar and 
substantial gentleman s son, one mark ; every substantial 
Husbandman s or Burgess s son, at each time, ten shillings; 
every one of the rest, excepting the Bursars, five shillings at 
each time. 

We recommend that this collection be gathered in a common 
box, put in keeping of the Principal of the Theologians, every 
Principal having a key thereof. The contents should be 
counted each year once, with the relicts of the Principals to be 
laid into the same, about the fifteenth day of November, in 
presence of the Superintendent, Eector, and the whole Princi 
pals. At their whole consent, or at least the most part thereof, 
the sums collected should be reserved and employed only upon 
the building and upkeep of the places, and repairing of the 
same, as ever necessity shall require. For this end, the Eector 
with his assistants shall be obliged to visit the places each 
year once, immediately after he is promoted, upon the last of 
October, or thereby. 

6. Of the Privilege of the University. We desire that 
innocency should defend us rather than privilege, and we think 
that each person of the University should be answerable, before 
the Provost and Bailies of each town where the Universities 
are, for all crimes whereof they are accused, only that the 
Eector be Assessor to them in the said actions. In civil 
matters, if the question on both sides be betwixt members of 
the University, making their residence and exercitation therein 
for the time, the party called shall not be obliged to answer, 
otherwise than before the Eector and his Assessors. In all 


other cases of civil pursuit, the general rule of the Law shall 
be observed, Actor sequitur forum rei, etc. 

The Rector and all inferior members of the University 
shall be exempted from all taxations, imposts, charges of war, 
or any other charge that may onerate or abstract him or them 
from the duties of their office such as Tutory, (Juratory, 
Deaconry, or any suchlike, that are established, or hereafter 
shall be established in our Commonwealth. In this manner, 
without trouble, this one may wait upon the upbringing of the 
youth in learning, that other bestow his time only in that 
most necessary exercition. 1 

All other things, touching the books to be read in each 
class and all such particular affairs, we refer to the discretion 
of the Masters, Principals, and Regents, with their well advised 
Councils ; not doubting but that, if God shall grant quietness 
and give your wisdoms grace to set forward letters in the sort 
prescribed, ye shall leave wisdom and learning to your posterity, 
a treasure more to be esteemed than any earthly treasure 
ye are able to provide for them. These, without wisdom, 
are more^able to be their ruin and confusion, than help or 
comfort. And as this is most true, we leave it with the rest 
of the commodities to be weighed by your honours wisdom, 
and set forward by your authority for the most high advance 
ment of this Commonwealth, committed to your charge. 

VIII. Of the Rents and Patrimony of the Kirk, 

The ministers and the poor, together with the schools, when 
order shall be taken thereanent, must be sustained upon the 
charges of the Church. Provision must therefore be made, 
how and from whom the necessary sums must be lifted. But, 
before we enter upon this head, we must crave of your honours, 
in the name of the Eternal God and of His Son, Christ Jesus, 
that ye have respect to your poor brethren, the labourers and 
manurers of the ground. These have been so oppressed by 
these cruel beasts, the Papists, that their lives have been 
dolorous and bitter. If ye will have God author and approver 

1 Bodily exercise ; military exercise. Jamicson. 


of your reformation, ye must not follow their footsteps. Ye 
must have compassion upon your brethren, appointing them 
to pay reasonable teinds, that they may feel some benefit of 
Christ Jesus, now preached unto them. 

With grief of heart we hear that some gentlemen are now 
as cruel over their tenants as ever were the Papists, requir 
ing of them whatsoever before they paid to the Church ; so 
that the papistical tyranny is only like to be changed to the 
tyranny of the lord or of the laird. We dare not natter your 
honours, neither yet is it profitable for you that so we do : if 
you permit such cruelty to be used, neither shall ye, who by 
your authority ought to gainstand such oppression, nor shall 
they that use the same, escape God s heavy and fearful judg 
ments. The gentlemen, barons, earls, lords, and others, must 
be content to live upon their just rents, and suffer the Church 
to be restored to her liberty, that, in her restitution, the poor, 
who heretofore by the cruel Papists have been spoiled and 
oppressed, may now receive some comfort and relaxation. 1 

Nor do we judge it to proceed from justice that one man 
shall possess the teinds of another ; but we think it a thing 
most reasonable that every man have the use of his own teinds, 
provided that he be answerable to the deacons and treasurers 
of the Church for that which justly shall be appointed unto him. 
We require deacons and treasurers to receive the rents rather 
than the ministers themselves ; because not only the ministers, 
but also the poor and schools must be sustained from the teinds. 
We think it most expedient, therefore, that common treasurers, 
to wit, the deacons, be appointed from year to year, to receive 
the whole rents appertaining to the Church ; and that com 
mandment be given that no man be permitted either to receive, 
or yet to intromit with anything appertaining to the sustenta- 
tion of the persons foresaid, but such as by common consent of 
the Church are thereto appointed. 

1 Concluded by the Lords : that these teinds and other exactions be clean 
discharged, and never be taken in time coming, such as the Uppermost Cloth, 
the Corps-present, the Clerk-mail, the Easter offerings, Teind Ale, and all 
handlings Upaland can neither be required nor received of godly conscience. 


If any think this prejudicial to the tacks and assedations l 
of those that now possess the teinds, let them understand that 
an unjust possession is no possession before God. Those of 
whom they received their title and presupposed right were 
and are thieves and murderers, and had no power so to alienate 
the patrimony and common good of the Church. And yet we 
are not so extreme, but that we wish just recompense to be 
made to such as have disbursed sums of money to those unjust 
possessors, so that it has not been so disbursed of late days to 
the prejudice of the Church. Such alienations as are found 
and known to be made by plain collusion ought in nowise to 
be sustained by you. For that purpose, we think it most 
expedient that whosoever have assedation of teinds or churches 
be openly warned to produce their assedation and assurance, 
that, cognition 2 being taken, the just tacksman may have a just 
and reasonable recompense for the years that are to run, the 
profit of the years passed being considered and deducted ; 
and that the unjust and surmised may be served accordingly. 
Thus the Church, in the end, may recover her liberty and 
freedom, and that only for relief of the poor. 

Your honours may easily understand that we speak not 
now for ourselves, but in favour of the poor and the labourers 
defrauded and oppressed by the priests and by their con 
federate pensioners. For, while the priests pensioner s idle 
belly has been delicately fed, the poor, to whom a portion of 
that appertains, have pined with hunger. Moreover, the true 
labourers were compelled to pay that which they ought not : 
for the labourer is neither debtor to the dumb dog called the 
bishop, nor yet unto his hired pensioner ; but is debtor only 
unto the Church. And the Church is only bound to sustain 
and nourish at her charges the persons before mentioned, to 
wit, the ministers of the Word, the poor, and the teachers of 
the youth. 

But now to return to the former head. The .sums able to 

sustain these forenamed persons, and to furnish all things 

appertaining to the preservation of good order and policy 

within the Church, must be lifted from the teinds, to wit, the 

1 Leases. 2 Evidence. 


teind sheaf, teind hay, teind hemp, teind lint, teind fishes, 
teind calf, teind foal, teind lamb, teind wool, teind cheese, etc. 
And, because that we know that the tithes reasonably taken, 
as is before expressed, will not suffice to discharge the former 
necessity, we think that all things doted to hospitality, all 
annual rents, both in burgh and land, pertaining to Priests, 
Chantery, 1 Colleges, Chaplainries, and to Friars of all orders, 
to the Sisters of the Sciennes, and to all others of that order, 
and such others within this realm, should be received still to 
the use of the church or churches within the towns or parishes 
where they were doted. Furthermore, there should be appro 
priated for the upholding of the Universities and sustentation 
of the Superintendents, the whole revenue of the temporality 
of the Bishops , Deans , and Archdeacons lands, and all rents 
of lands pertaining to the Cathedral churches whatsoever. 
Besides, merchants and rich craftsmen in free burghs, who 
have nothing to do with the manuring of the ground, must 
make some provision in their cities, towns, or dwelling-places 
to support the need of the Church. 

To the ministers, and failing these the Eeaders, must be 
restored their manses and their glebes ; otherwise they cannot 
serve their flock at all times as their duty is. If any glebe 
exceed six acres of land, the rest shall remain in the possessor s 
hands until order be taken therein. 2 

The receivers and collectors of these rents and duties must 
be the deacons or treasurers appointed from year to year in 
every church, by common consent and free election of the 
church. The deacons may distribute no part of that which 
is collected, but by commandment of the ministers and elders ; 
and they may command nothing to be delivered, but as the 
Church before hath determined ; and the deacons shall pay 
the sums, either quarterly, or from half year to half year, 
to the ministers which the Kirk hath appointed. The same 

1 Chanters were laics endowed with ecclesiastical benefices. 

2 The Lords condescend that the manse and yards be restored to the 
ministers. And all the Lords consent that the ministers have six acres of land, 
except Marischall, Morton, Glencairn, and Cassillis, where manses arc of great 
quantity. (Add it to.) 


they shall do to the schoolmasters, readers, and hospitals, if 
any be, always receiving acquittances for their discharge. 

If any extraordinary sums fall to he delivered, then must 
the ministers, elders, and deacons consult whether the deliver 
ance of these sums doth stand with the common utility of the 
Church or not ; and if they do universally agree and condescend 
either upon the affirmative or the negative, then, because they 
are in credit and office for the year, they may do as best 
seemeth unto them. But if there be controversy amongst 
themselves, the whole Church must be made privy : and after 
the matter has been exponed and the reasons heard, the judg 
ment of the Church, with the ministers consent, shall prevail. 

The deacons shall be bound and compelled to make accounts 
to the ministers and elders of that which they have received, 
as oft as the policy shall appoint ; and the elders when they 
are changed, which must be every year, must clear their 
accounts before such auditors as the Church shall appoint. 
AYhen the deacons and elders are changed, they shall deliver 
to them that shall then be elected, all sums of money, corns, 
and other profits remaining in their hands. The tickets for 
these must be delivered to the Superintendents in their visit 
ation, and by them to the great Council of the Church, that 
the abundance as well as the indigence of every church may 
1)6 evidently known, and that a reasonable equality may be 
had throughout the whole realm. If this order be precisely 
kept, corruption cannot suddenly enter. The free and yearly 
election of deacons and elders will not sutler any one to usurp 
a perpetual dominion over the Church ; the knowledge of the 
rental shall suffice them to receive no more than whereof they 
shall be bound to make accounts ; and the deliverance of the 
money to the new officers shall not suffer private men to use 
in their private business that which appertaineth to the public 
affairs of the Church. 

IX. Of Ecclesiastical Discipline. 

i. As no commonwealth can nourish or long endure without 
good laws, and sharp execution of the same ; so neither can the 


Church of God be brought to purity, nor be retained in the 
same, without the order of Ecclesiastical Discipline. This is 
required for reproving and correcting these faults which the 
civil sword doth either neglect or may not punish. Blasphemy, 
adultery, murder, perjury, and other capital crimes, worthy of 
death ought not properly to fall under censure of the Church ; 
because all such open transgressors of God s laws ought to 
be taken away by the civil sword. But drunkenness, excess 
(be it in apparel, or be it in eating and drinking), fornica 
tion, oppression of the poor by exactions, deceiving of them 
in buying or selling by wrong mete or measure, wanton 
words and licentious living tending to slander, do properly 
appertain to the Church of God, to punish as God s Word 

But, because this accursed Papistry hath brought such 
confusion into the world that neither was virtue rightly praised 
nor vice severely punished, the Church of God is compelled 
to draw the sword, which of God she has received, against 
such open and manifest offenders, cursing and excommunicating 
all such (as well those whom the civil sword ought to punish 
as the others) from all participation with her in prayers and 
Sacraments, until open repentance manifestly appear in them. 
As the order of Excommunication and proceeding to the same 
ought to be grave and slow, so, being once pronounced against 
any person of what estate and condition that ever he be, it must 
be kept with all severity. For laws made and not kept en 
gender contempt of virtue, and bring in confusion and liberty 
to sin. Therefore we think this order expedient to be observed 
before and after excommunication. 

If the offence be secret and known to few, and rather 
stands in suspicion than in manifest proof, the offender ought 
to be privately admonished to abstain from all appearance of 
evil. If he promises to do this, and to declare himself sober, 
honest, and one that feuretli God, and feareth to offend his 
brethren, then may the secret admonition suffice for his correc 
tion. But if he either contemns the admonition, or, after 
promise made, do show himself no more circumspect than he 
was before, then must the minister admonish him ; to whom 


if he be found inobedient, the Church must proceed according 
to the rule of Christ, as after shall be declared. 

If the crime be public and such as is heinous, as fornica 
tion, drunkenness, fighting, common swearing, or execration, 
then ought the offender to be called into the presence of the 
minister, elders, deacons, where his sin and o (fence ought to be 
declared and aggravated, 1 so that his conscience may feel how 
far he hath offended God, and what slander he hath raised 
in the Church. If signs of unfeigned repentance appear in 
him, and if he require to be admitted to public repentance, the 
ministry may appoint unto him a day when the whole Church 
conveneth together, that, in presence of all, he may testify 
the repentance which before them he professed. If he accept, 
and with reverence make testimony, confessing his sin, con 
demning the same, and earnestly desiring the congregation to 
pray to God with him for mercy, and to accept him into their 
society, notwithstanding his former offence, the Church may 
and ought to receive him as a penitent. For the Church 
ought to be no more severe than God declareth Himself to be, 
who witnesseth that, in whatsoever hour a sinner unfeignedly 
repenteth, and turns from his wicked way, He will not re 
member one of his iniquities ; and the Church ought diligently 
to avoid excommunicating those whom God absolveth. 

If the offender, called before the ministry, be found 
stubborn, hard-hearted, or one in whom no sign of repentance 
appeareth, then must he be dismissed with an exhortation to 
consider the dangerous estate in which he stands; with the 
assurance that, if the ministry find in him no other token of 
amendment of life, they will be compelled to seek a further 
remedy. If he within a certain space show his repentance, 
they must present him to the Church as before is said. 

But if he continue in his impenitence, then must the 
Church be admonished that such crimes are committed 
amongst them, and that these have been reprehended by the 
ministry, and the persons provoked to repent; also, because 
no sign of repentance appeareth unto them, that they could 
not but signify unto the Church the crimes, but not the 

1 Their enormity emphasised. 


person, requiring them earnestly to call to God to move and 
touch the heart of the offender, so that suddenly and earnestly 
he may repent. 

If the person malign, then, on the next day of public 
assembly, the crime and the person must be both notified unto 
the Church, and their judgment must be required, if that 
such crimes ought to be suffered unpunished amongst them. 
Eequest also would be made to the most discreet and to the 
nearest friends of the offender to travail with him to bring 
him to knowledge of himself, and of his dangerous estate, and 
a commandment be given to all men to call to God for the 
conversion of the impenitent. If a solemn and a special 
prayer were made and drawn for that purpose, the thing 
should be the more gravely done. 

On the third Sunday, the minister ought to inquire if the 
impenitent have declared any signs of repentance to any of 
the ministry. If he hath, the minister may appoint him to be 
examined by the whole ministry; either then, instantly, or 
at another day affixed to the consistory. 1 Should the guilty 
person s repentance appear, as well of the crime as of his long 
contempt, then may he be presented to the Church, and make 
his confession, and be accepted as before is said. But if no 
man bear witness to his repentance, then ought he to be 
excommunicated ; and, by the mouth of the minister, consent 
of the ministry, and commandment of the Church, such a 
contemner must be pronounced excommunicate from God and 
from the society of His Church. 

After this sentence no person, his wife and family only 
excepted, may have any kind of conversation with him who 
is excommunicate ; be it in eating and drinking, buying or 
selling, yea, in saluting or talking with him, except that it be 
at the commandment or with licence of the ministry, for his 
conversion ; that he by such means confounded, seeing himself 
abhorred by the faithful and godly, may have occasion to 
repent and so be saved. The sentence of his excommunication 
must be published universally throughout the realm, lest any 
man should pretend ignorance. 

1 Appointed diet of the Church Court, 


His children, begotten or born after that sentence and 
before his repentance, may not be admitted to baptism until 
either they be of age to require the same, or else the mother, 
or some of his especial friends, members of the Church, offer 
and present the child, abhorring and condemning the iniquity 
and obstinate contempt of the impenitent. If any think it 
severe that the child should be punished for the iniquity of 
the father, let them understand that the Sacraments appertain 
only to the faithful and to their seed. Such as stubbornly 
contemn all godly admonition and obstinately remain to their 
iniquity cannot be accounted amongst the faithful. 

2. The Order for Public Offenders. We have spoken 
nothing of those that commit horrible crimes, as murderers, 
man-slayers, and adulterers ; for such, as we have said, the 
civil sword ought to punish to death. But, if they be per 
mitted to live, the Church must, as before is said, draw the 
sword which of God she hath received, holding them as 
accursed even in their very act. The offender in eacli case 
must be called and order of the Church used against him, in 
the same manner as the persons that for obstinate impenitence 
are publicly excommunicate. The obstinate impenitent after 
the sentence of excommunication, and the murderer or 
adulterer, stand in one case as concerning the judgment of 
the Church ; that is, neither may be received in the fellowship 
of the Church to prayers or sacraments (but to hearing of the 
Word they may be admitted) until first they offer themselves 
to the ministry, humbly requiring the ministers and elders 
to pray to God for them, and also to be intercessors to the 
Church that they may be admitted to public repentance, and 
so to the fruition of the benefits of Christ Jesus, distributed to 
the members of His body. 

If this request be humbly made, then may not the ministers 
refuse to signify the same unto the Church on the next day 
of public preaching, the minister giving exhortation to the 
Church to pray to God to perform the work which He appears 
to have begun, working in the heart of the offender unfeigned 
repentance of his grievous crime, and the sense and feeling of 
His great mercy, by the operation of His Holy Spirit. There- 


after, a day ought publicly to be assigned unto him to give 
open confession of his offence and contempt, and so to make 
a public satisfaction to the Church of God. On that day the 
offender must appear in presence of the whole Church, and 
with his own mouth condemn his own impiety, publicly con 
fessing the same ; desiring God of His grace and mercy, and 
His congregation, that it will please them to accept him into 
their society, as before is said. The minister must examine 
diligently whether he find in the offender a hatred and dis 
pleasure of his sin, as well of his crime as of his contempt ; 
and if he confess this, he must travail with him, to see what 
hope he hath of God s mercy. 

If the minister find the offender reasonably instructed in 
the knowledge of Christ Jesus, in the virtue of His death, he 
may comfort him with God s infallible promises, and demand 
of the Church if they be content to receive in the society of 
their body that creature of God, whom Satan before hath 
drawn into his nets, seeing that he declares himself penitent. 
If the Church grant this, and they may not justly deny the 
same, then ought the minister in public prayer to commend 
him to God, and confess the sin of that offender and of the 
whole Church, desiring mercy and grace for Christ Jesus sake. 
This prayer being ended, the minister ought to exhort the 
Church to receive that penitent brother into their favour, 
as they require God to receive themselves when they have 
offended. In sign of their consent, the elders and chief 
men of the Church shall take the penitent by the hand, 
and one or two, in name of the whole, shall kiss and embrace 
him with all reverence and gravity, as a member of Christ 

When these things have been done, the minister shall 
exhort the reconciled to take diligent heed in times coming, 
that Satan entrap him not into such crimes, admonishing him 
that he will not cease to tempt and try by all means possible 
to bring him from that obedience which he hath given to God, 
and to the ordinance of His Son Christ Jesus. The exhorta 
tion being ended, the minister ought to give public thanks 
unto God for the conversion of that brother, and for the 


benefits which we receive by Jesus Christ, praying for the 
increase and continuance of the same. 

If the penitent, after he have offered himself to the 
ministry or to the Church, be found ignorant in the principal 
points of our religion, and chieny in the article of Justification 
and of the office of Christ Jesus, he ought to be exactly 
instructed before he be received. For it is a mocking of God 
to receive into repentance those who know not wherein stands 
their remedy when they repent their sin. 

3. Persons subject to Discipline. To discipline must all 
estates within this realm be subject, if they offend ; the rulers 
as well as they that are ruled ; yea, and the preachers them 
selves, as well as the poorest within the Church. And because 
the eye and the mouth of the Church ought to be most single 
and irreprehensible, the life and conversation of the ministers 
ought most diligently to be tried. Of this we shall speak after 
we have spoken of the election of elders and deacons, who must 
assist the ministers in all public affairs of the Church, etc. 

X. Touching the Election of Elders and Deacons, etc. 

Men of best knowledge in God s Word, of cleanest life, men 
faithful, and of most honest conversation that can be found in 
the Church, must be nominated to be in election ; and the 
names of the same must be publicly read to the whole kirk by 
the minister, who shall give them advertisement that from 
amongst these must be chosen elders and deacons. If any of 
the nominated be noted with public infamy, he ought to be 
repelled ; for it is not seemly that the servant of corruption 
shall have authority to judge in the Church of God. If any 
man knows others of better qualities within the church than 
these that be nominated, let them be put in election, that the 
church may have the choice. 

If churches be of smaller number than that seniors and 
deacons can be chosen from amongst them, they may well be 
joined to the next adjacent church. For the plurality of 
churches, without ministers and order, shall rather hurt than 



The election of elders and deacons ought to take place once 
every year (we judge the first day of August to be most 
convenient), lest, by long continuance of such officers, men 
presume upon the liberty of the Church. It hurts not that 
one man be retained in office more years than one, so that he 
be appointed yearly, by common and free election; provided 
always that the deacons, treasurers, be not compelled to receive 
the office again for the space of three years. 

How the votes and suffrages may be best received, so that 
every man may give his vote freely, every several church may 
take such order as best seemeth to them. 

The elders, being elected, must be admonished of their 
office, which is to assist the minister in all public affairs of the 
Church, to wit, in judging and discerning causes, in giving 
admonition to the licentious liver, and in having respect to the 
manners and conversation of all men within their charge ; for 
the light and unbridled life of the licentious ought to be 
corrected and bridled by the gravity of the seniors. 

Yea, the seniors ought to take heed to the life, manners, 
diligence, and study of their minister. If he be worthy of 
admonition, they must admonish him ; of correction, they must 
correct him. And if he be worthy of deposition, they, with 
consent of the church and Superintendent, may depose him, if 
his crime so deserve. If a minister be light in conversation, 
he ought to be admonished by his elders and seniors. If he be 
negligent in study, or one that waiteth not upon his charge and 
ilock, or one that proponeth not fruitful doctrine, he deserveth 
sharper admonition and correction. If he be found stubborn 
and inobedient to this, the seniors of one church may complain 
to the ministry of the two next adjacent churches where men 
of greater gravity are. If he be found inobedient to their 
admonition, he ought to be discharged from his ministry, until 
his repentance appear and a place be vacant for him. 

Should any minister be taken in any notable crime, such as 
whoredom, adultery, murder, manslaughter, perjury, teaching of 
heresy, or any that deserveth death or that may be a note of 
perpetual infamy, he ought to be deposed for ever. By heresy 
we mean pernicious doctrine, plainly taught and obstinately 


defended, against the foundation and principles of our faith. 
And such a crime we judge to deserve perpetual deposition 
from the ministry ; for we know it to be most dangerous to 
commit the flock to a man infected with the pestilence of 

Some crimes deserve deposition for a time, and until the 
person give declaration of greater gravity and honesty. As, 
if a minister be deprehended drunk, brawling or fighting, an 
open slanderer, an infamer of his neighbour, factious and a 
sower of discord, he may be commanded to cease from his 
ministry until he declare the signs of repentance ; upon which 
the Church shall abide him the space of twenty days or farther, 
as they shall think expedient, before they proceed to a new 

Every inferior church shall, by one of their seniors and one 
of their deacons, once in the year, notify unto the ministry of 
the Superintendent s church the life, manners, study, and 
diligence of their ministers, to the end that the discretion of 
some may correct the lenity of others. 

Not only may the life and manners of the ministers come 
under censure and judgment of the Church, but also that of 
their wives, children, and family. Care must be taken that 
ministers neither live riotous!} nor yet avariciously ; yea, 
respect must be had how they spend the stipend appointed to 
their living. If a reasonable stipend be appointed, and they 
live avariciously, they must be admonished to live as they 
receive ; for, as excess and superfluity is not tolerable in a 
minister, so is avarice and the careful solicitude of money and 
gear utterly to be condemned in Christ s servants, and especially 
in those that are fed upon the charge of the Church. Wo 
judge it unseemly and not tolerable that ministers shall be 
boarded in common alehouses or taverns. 

Neither yet must a minister be permitted to frequent and 
commonly haunt the Court, unless it be for a time, when he is 
either sent by the Church or called for by the Authority for 
his counsel and judgment. Nor must he be one of the Council 
in civil affairs, be he judged never so apt for that purpose. 
Either must he cease from the ministry, which at his own 


pleasure he may not do, or else from bearing charge in 
civil affairs, unless it be to assist the Parliament if called 

The office of the deacons, as is before declared, is to receive 
the rents and gather the alms of the Church, and to keep and 
distribute the same, as by the ministry of the Kirk shall be 
appointed. They may also assist in judgment with the ministers 
and elders, and may be admitted to read in the assembly if 
they be required and be found able thereto. 

The elders and deacons, with their wives and households, 
must be under the same censure as is prescribed for the 
ministers. For they must be careful over their office ; and, 
seeing that they are judges to the manners of others, their own 
conversation ought to be irreprehensible. They must be sober, 
humble, lovers and entertainers of concord and peace ; and, 
finally, they ought to be the example of godliness to others. 
If the contrary thereof appear, they must be admonished by 
the minister, or by some of their brethren of the ministry, if 
the fault be secret ; if it be open and known, it must be 
rebuked before the ministry, and the same order kept against 
the senior or deacon as against the minister. 

We do not think it necessary that any public stipend shall 
be appointed to the elders or to the deacons, because their 
travail continues but for a year, and also because they are 
not so occupied with the affairs of the Church but that reason 
ably they may attend upon their domestic business. 

XI. Concerning the Policy of the Church. 

Policy we call an exercise of the Church in such things as 
may bring the rude and ignorant to knowledge, inflame the 
learned to greater fervency, or retain the Church in good order. 
Thereof there be two sorts : the one utterly necessary ; as that 
the Word be truly preached, the Sacraments rightly ministrate, 
common prayer publicly made, the children and rude persons 
instructed in the chief points of religion, and offences corrected 
and punished ; these things, we say, be so necessary that, with 
out the same, there is no face of a visible Kirk. The other is 


profitable, but not of mere necessity ; as that the Psalms should 
be sung, that certain places of the Scriptures should be read 
when there is no sermon, that this day or that day, few or 
many in the week, the Church should assemble. Of these and 
such others we cannot see how a certain order can be estab 
lished. In some churches the Psalms may be conveniently 
sung ; in others, perchance, they cannot. Some churches may 
convene every day ; some thrice or twice in the week ; some, 
perchance, but once. In these and suchlike matters must 
every particular church, by their own consent, appoint their 
own policy. 

In great towns we think it expedient that every day 
there be either sermon, or else common prayers, with some 
exercise of reading the Scriptures. We can neither require 
nor greatly approve that the Common Prayers be publicly used 
on the day of the public sermon, lest we shall either foster 
superstition in the people, who come to the Prayers as they 
come to the Mass, or else give them occasion to think that 
those be no prayers which are made before and after 

We require that, in every notable town, one day besides 
the Sunday be appointed to the sermon and prayers. This 
day, during the time of sermon, must be kept free from all 
exercise of labour, as well of the master as of the servants. 
In smaller towns, as we have said, the common consent of the 
church must put order. But the Sunday must straitly be 
kept, both before and after noon, in all towns. Before noon 
the Word must be preached and Sacraments be administered, 
as also marriage solemnised, if occasion offer. After noon the 
young children must be publicly examined in their catechism 
in audience of the people, and in doing this the minister must 
take great diligence, to cause the people to understand the 
questions proponed, as well as the answers, and the doctrine 
that may be collected thereof. The order, and how much is 
appointed for every Sunday, are already distinct in our Book 
of Common Order ; the most perfect Catechism that ever yet 
was used in the Church. After noon, also, baptism may be 
ministered, when great travail before noon offers occasion, 


It is also to be observed that prayers be used after noon 
upon the Sunday, when there is neither preaching nor 

It appertaineth to the policy of the Church to appoint the 
times when the Sacraments shall be administered. Baptism 
may be ministrate whensoever the Word is preached ; but we 
think it more expedient, that it be ministered upon the Sunday, 
or upon the day of prayers only, after the sermon ; partly, 
to remove the gross error by which many deceived persons 
think that children be damned if they die without baptism ; 
and, partly, to make the people assist the administration of that 
Sacrament with greater reverence than they do. For we do 
see the people begin already to wax weary by reason of the 
frequent repetition of those promises. 

Four times in the year we think sufficient for the adminis 
tration of the Lord s Table. These we desire to be distinct, 
that the superstition of times may be avoided so far as may 
be. Your honours are not ignorant how superstitiously the 
people run to that action at Easter, even as if the time gave 
virtue to the Sacrament ; and how the rest of the whole year 
they are careless and negligent, as if it appertaineth not unto 
them but at that time only. We think therefore most ex 
pedient that the first Sunday of March be appointed for one 
time ; the first Sunday of June for another ; the first Sunday 
of September for the third ; and the first Sunday of December 
for the fourth. We do not deny that any several church, for 
reasonable causes, may change the time, and may administer 
oftener ; but we study to suppress superstition. All ministers 
must be admonished to be more careful to instruct the ignorant 
than to satisfy their appetites, and more sharp in examination 
than indulgent, in admitting to that great mystery such as be 
ignorant of the use and virtue of the same. We think, there 
fore, that the administration of the Table ought never to be 
without previous examination, especially of those whose know T - 
ledge is suspect. We think that none are fit to be admitted 
to that mystery who cannot formally say the Lord s Prayer, 
recite the Articles of the Belief, and declare the sum of the 


Farther, we think it a tiling most expedient and necessary 
that every church have a Bible in English, and that the people 
be commanded to convene to hear the plain reading or inter 
pretation of the Scriptures, as the Church shall appoint; so 
that, by frequent reading, this gross ignorance, which in the 
cursed Papistry hath overflown all, may partly be removed. 
We think it most expedient that the Scriptures be read in 
order, that is, that some one book of the Old and the New 
Testament be begun and orderly read to the end. And the 
same we judge of preaching, where the minister for the most 
part remaineth in one place. For this skipping and divagation 
from place to place of the Scripture, be it in reading or be it 
in preaching, we judge not so profitable to edify the Church, 
as the continual following of a text. 

Every master of household must be commanded either to 
instruct, or else cause to be instructed, his children, servants, 
and family, in the principles of the Christian religion ; and 
without the knowledge of them none ought to be admitted to 
the Table of the Lord Jesus. For such as be so dull and so 
ignorant that they can neither try themselves nor know the 
dignity and mystery of that action cannot eat and drink of 
that Table worthily. We therefore judge it necessary that, 
every year at least, public examination be had by the ministers 
and elders of the knowledge of every person within the 
Church ; to wit, that every master and mistress of household 
come themselves, and so many of their family as be come to 
maturity, before the ministers and elders, to give confession 
of their faith, and to answer to such chief points of religion 
as the ministers shall demand. Such as be ignorant in the 
Articles of their Faith ; understand not, nor cannot rehearse 
the commandments of God ; know not how to pray, nor wherein 
their righteousness consists, ought not to be admitted to the 
Lord s Table. If these stubbornly continue, and suffer their 
children and servants to continue in wilful ignorance, the 
discipline of the Church must proceed against them unto 
excommunication; and then must the matter be referred to 
the Civil Magistrate. For, seeing that the just liveth by his 
own faith, and that Christ Jesus justifieth by knowledge of 


Himself, we judge it insufferable that men shall be permitted 
to live and continue in ignorance as members of the Church 
of God. 

Moreover, men, women, and children would be exhorted to 
exercise themselves in the Psalms, that when the church con- 
veneth and doth sing, they may be the more able, with common 
heart and voice, to praise God. 

We think it expedient that, in private houses, the most 
grave and discreet person use the Common Prayers at morn 
and at night, for the comfort and instruction of others. For, 
seeing that we behold and see the hand of God now presently 
striking us with divers plagues, we think it a contempt of His 
judgments, or a provocation of His anger more to be kindled 
against us, if we be not moved to repentance of our former 
unthankfulness and to earnest invocation of His name. Only 
His power may, and great mercy will, if we unfeignedly con 
vert unto Him, remove from us these terrible plagues which 
now for our iniquities hang over our heads. " Convert us, 
Lord, and we shall be converted." 

XII. For Preaching and Interpretation of 
Scriptures, etc. 

To the end that the Church of God may have a trial of 
men s knowledge, judgments, graces, and utterances, and 
that such as somewhat have profited in God s Word may 
from time to time grow to more full perfection to serve the 
Church, as necessity shall require, it is most expedient that, 
in every town where schools and repair of learned men are, 
there be a certain day every week appointed to that exercise 
which Saint Paul calleth prophesying. The order thereof is 
expressed by him in these words : " Let two or three prophets 
speak ; and let the rest judge. But if anything be revealed 
to him that sitteth by, let the former keep silence. For ye 
may, one by one, all prophesy, that all may learn, and all may 
receive consolation. And the spirits, that is, the judgments, 
of the prophets, are subject to the prophets." From these 
words of the Apostle, it is evident that in Corinth, when the 


Church assembled for that purpose, some place of Scripture 
was read. Upon this, first one gave his judgment to the 
instruction and consolation of the auditors, and after him did 
another either confirm what the former had said, or add what 
he had omitted, or gently correct or explain more properly 
where the whole truth was not revealed to the former. And, 
in case some things were hid from the one and from the other, 
liberty was given to a third to speak his judgment, for edifica 
tion of the Church. Above the number of three, as appeareth, 
they passed not, for avoiding of confusion. 

These exercises, we say, are things most necessary for the 
Church of God this day in Scotland ; for thereby, as we have 
said, shall the Church have judgment and knowledge of the 
graces, gifts, and utterances of every man within their own 
body ; and the simple, and such as have somewhat profited, 
shall be encouraged daily to study and proceed in knowledge. 
And, too, the Church shall be edified ; for this exercise must 
be patent to such as list to hear and learn, and every man 
shall have liberty to utter and declare his mind and knowledge 
to the comfort and edification of the Church. 

But curious, peregrine, 1 and unprofitable questions are to 
be avoided, lest of a profitable exercise there might arise 
debate and strife. All interpretation disagreeing from the 
principles of our faith, repugnant to charity, or standing in 
plain contradiction to any other manifest place of Scripture, 
is to be rejected. The interpreter, in that exercise, may not 
take to himself the liberty of a public preacher, yea, although 
he be a minister appointed. He must bind himself to his text, 
and not enter on digression in explaining common places. He 
may use no invective in that exercise, unless it be, with 
sobriety, in confuting heresies. In exhortations or admoni 
tions he must be short, that the time may be spent in opening 
of the mind of the Holy Ghost in that place, in following the 
file 2 and dependence of the text, and in observing such notes 
as may instruct and edify the auditor. That contention may 
be avoided, neither may the interpreter nor yet any of the 
assembly move any question in open audience, unless he him- 

1 Foreign ; irrelevant. " Thread ; sequence. 


self is content to give resolution without reasoning with any 
other ; but every man ought to speak his own judgment to the 
edification of the Church. 

If any be noted with curiosity, or for bringing in any 
strange doctrine, he must be admonished by the moderators, 
the ministers and elders, immediately after the interpretation 
is ended. The whole members and number of them that are 
of the assembly ought to convene together, and then examina 
tion should be had as to how the person that did interpret did 
handle and convey the matter, the interpreter being removed 
until every man have given his censure. After this, the person 
being called, the faults, if any notable be found, are noted, and 
the person shall be gently admonished. In that last assembly, 
all questions and doubts, if any arise, should be resolved, with 
out contention. 

The ministers of the parish churches to landward, adjacent 
to every chief town, and the readers (if they have any gift of 
interpretation) within six miles, must assist and concur with 
those that prophesy within the towns ; to the end that they 
themselves may either learn, or that others may learn from 
them. And, moreover, men in whom any gifts are supposed 
to be, which might edify the Church, if they were well applied, 
must be charged by the ministers and elders to join themselves 
with that session and company of interpreters, to the end that 
the Church may judge whether they be able to serve to God s 
glory, and to the profit of the Church in the vocation of 
ministers or not. If any be found disobedient, and not willing 
to communicate the gifts and spiritual graces of God with their 
brethren, after sufficient admonition, discipline must proceed 
against them ; provided that the Civil Magistrate concurs 
with the judgment and election of the Church. For no man 
may be permitted to live as best pleaseth himself within 
the Church of God ; but every man must be constrained, 
by fraternal admonition and correction, to bestow his labours, 
to the edification of others, when of the Church they are 

What day in the week is most convenient for that exercise 
and what books of the Scriptures shall be most profitable to 


be read, we refer to the judgment of every particular church ; 
we mean, to the wisdom of the ministers and elders. 

XIII. Of Marriage. 

Because marriage, the blessed ordinance of God, hath partly 
been contemned in this cursed Papistry ; and partly hath been 
so infirmed, that the persons conjoined could never be assured 
of continuance, if the Bishops and Prelates should list to 
dissolve the same ; we have thought good to show our 
judgments how such confusion in times coming may be best 

First, public inhibition must be made that no persons under 
the power and obedience of others, such as sons and daughters 
and these that be under curators, neither men nor women, 
contract marriage privily and without knowledge of their 
parents, tutors, or curators, under whose power they are for 
the time. If they do this, the censure and discipline of the 
Church shall proceed against them. If the parties have their 
hearts touched with desire of marriage, they are bound to give 
honour to the parents and open unto them their affection, 
asking of them counsel and assistance, as to how that motion, 
which they judge to be of God, may be performed. If father, 
friend, or master gainstand their request, and have no other 
cause than the common sort of men have (to wit, lack of 
goods, or because they are not so high-born as they require) : 
yet must not the parties whose hearts are touched make any 
covenant until farther declaration be made unto the Church of 
God. And, therefore, after they have opened their minds to 
their parents, or such others as have charge over them, they 
must declare it also to the ministry or to the Civil Magistrate, 
requiring them to travail with their parents for their consent, 
which to do they are bound. If they, to wit, the Magistrate 
or ministers, find no just cause why the marriage required may 
not be fulfilled, then, after sufficient admonition to the father, 
friend, master, or superior, that none of them resist the work 
of God, the ministry or Magistrate may enter into the place of 
the parent and, by consenting to their just requests, may admit 


them to marriage ; for the work of God ought not to be hindered 
by the corrupt affections of worldly men. We call it the work 
of God when two hearts, without filthiness before committed, 
are so joined, that both require and are content to live together 
in the holy bond of matrimony. 

If any man commit fornication with the woman whom he 
required in marriage, then do both lose this foresaid benefit as 
well of the Church as of the Magistrate ; for neither ought to 
be intercessors or advocates for filthy fornicators. But the 
father, or nearest friend whose daughter, being a virgin, is 
deflowered, hath power by the law of God to compel the man 
that did that injury to marry his daughter ; or, if the father 
will not accept him by reason of his offence, then may he 
require the dot l of his daughter. If the offender be not able to 
pay this, then ought the Civil Magistrate to punish his body 
by some other punishment. 

Because fornication, whoredom, and adultery are sins most 
common in this realm, we require of your honours, in the name 
of the Eternal God, that severe punishment, according as God 
hath commanded, be executed against such wicked offenders ; 
for we doubt not but that such enormous crimes, openly com 
mitted, provoke the wrath of God, as the Apostle speaketh, 
not only upon the offenders, but also upon the places where, 
without punishment, they are committed. 

To return to our former purpose : Marriage ought not to 
be contracted amongst persons that have no election for lack 
of understanding ; and therefore we affirm that bairns and 
infants cannot lawfully be married in their minor age, to wit, 
the man within fourteen years of age, and the woman within 
twelve years, at the least. If it chance that any have been 
so married and have kept their bodies always separate, we 
cannot judge them bound to adhere as man and wife, by 
reason of a promise which in God s presence was no promise 
at all. But if, in the years of judgment, they have embraced 
the one the other, then, by reason of their last consent, they 
have ratified that which others did promise for them in their 

1 Dowry. 


In a Keformed Church, marriage ought not to be secretly 
used, but in open face and public audience of the Church. 
For avoidance of dangers, it is expedient that the banns be 
publicly proclaimed on three Sundays, unless the persons be 
so known that no suspicion of danger may arise, when the 
banns may be shortened at the discretion of the ministry. 
But in nowise can we admit marriage to be used secretly, 
however honourable the persons be. The Sunday before sermon 
we think most convenient for marriage, and that it be used 
on no other day, without the consent of the whole ministry. 

Unless adultery be committed, marriage, once lawfully 
contracted, may not be dissolved at man s pleasure, as our 
master Christ Jesus doth witness. If adultery be sufficiently 
proven in presence of the Civil Magistrate, the innocent, upon 
request, ought to be pronounced free, and the offender ought 
to suffer death, as God hath commanded. If the civil sword 
foolishly spare the life of the offender, yet may not the 
Church be negligent in their office. This is to excommunicate 
the wicked, to repute them as dead members, and to pronounce 
the innocent party to be at freedom, be the offender never so 
honourable before the world. If the life be spared to the 
offenders, as it ought not to be, if the fruits of repentance 
of long time appear in them, and if they earnestly desire to 
be reconciled with the Church, we judge that they may r be 
received to participation of the Sacraments, and of the other 
benefits of the Church, for we would not that the Church 
should hold those excommunicate whom God has absolved, 
that is, the penitent. 

If any demand whether the offender, after reconcilia 
tion with the Church, may marry again, we answer, that, it 
they cannot live continent, and if the necessity be such 
as that they fear farther offence of God, we cannot forbid 
them to use the remedy ordained of God. If the party 
offended may be reconciled to the offender, then we judge that 
in nowise it shall be lawful to the offender to marry any other 
than the party that hath been offended. The solemnization 
of the latter marriage must be in the open face of the Church, 
like the former, but without proclamation of banns. 


This we do offer as the best counsel that God giveth unto 
us in so doubtsome a case. But the most perfect reformation 
were, if your honours would give to God His honour and 
glory, that ye would prefer His express commandment to 
your own corrupt judgments, especially in punishing of those 
crimes which He commandeth to be punished with death. 
For so should ye declare yourselves God s true and obedient 
officers, and your commonwealth should be rid of innumerable 

We mean not that sins committed in our former blind 
ness, and almost buried in oblivion, shall be called again to 
examination and judgment. But we require that the law 
may now and hereafter be so established and executed that 
this ungodly impunity of sin have no place within this realm. 
For, in the fear of God, we signify unto your honours that 
whosoever persuadeth you that ye may pardon where God 
commandeth death deceiveth your souls, and provoketh you 
to offend God s Majesty. 

XIV. Of Burial. 

Burial in all ages hath been holden in estimation, to 
signify the faith that the same body that was committed to 
the earth would not utterly perish, but would rise again. 
And we would have the same kept within this realm, provided 
that superstition, idolatry, and whatsoever hath proceeded of 
a false opinion and for advantage s sake, be avoided. Singing 
of Mass, placebo, and dirge, and all other prayers over or for 
the dead, are not only superfluous and vain, but are idolatry, 
and are repugnant to the plain Scriptures of God. Plain it 
is that every one that dieth departeth either in the faith of 
Christ Jesus, or else departeth in incredulity. Plain it is 
that they that depart in the true faith of Christ Jesus rest 
from their labours, and from death do go to life everlasting, 
as by our Master and by His Apostle we are taught. But 
whosoever shall depart in unbelief or in incredulity shall 
never see life, but the wrath of God abideth upon him. 
And so we say that prayers for the dead are not only super- 


fiuous and vain, but are expressly repugnant to the manifest 
Scriptures and truth thereof. 

To avoid all inconveniences, we judge it best that there 
be neither singing nor reading at the burial. Albeit tilings 
sung and read may admonish some of the living to prepare 
themselves for death, yet shall some superstitious and ignorant 
persons ever think that the singing or reading of the living 
does and may profit the dead. For this reason we think it 
most expedient that the dead be convoyed to the place of 
burial by some honest company of the Church, without either 
singing or reading ; yea, without all kind of ceremony hereto 
fore used, other than that the dead be committed to the grave, 
with gravity and sobriety, so that those that be present may 
seem to fear the judgments of God, and to hate sin, which is 
the cause of death. 1 

We are not ignorant that some require a sermon at the 
burial, or else that some places of Scriptures be read, to put 
the living in mind that they are mortal, and that likewise 
they must die. But let those men understand that the 
sermons which are daily made serve for that use. If men 
despise these, the preaching of funeral sermons shall nourish 
superstition and a false opinion, as we have said, rather than 
bring such persons to any godly consideration of their own 
estate. Besides, either shall the ministers for the most part 
be occupied in preaching funeral sermons or else they shall 
have respect to persons, preaching at the burial of the rich 
and honourable, but keeping silence when the poor or despised 
departeth; and this the ministers cannot do with safe con 
science. For, seeing that before God there is no respect of 
persons, and that their ministry appertaineth to all alike, 
whatsoever they do to the rich, in respect of their ministry, the 
same they are bound to do to the poorest under their charge. 

In respect of divers inconveniences, we think it unseemly 
that the church appointed to preaching and ministration of 

1 And yet, notwithstanding, we are not so precise, but that we are content 
that particular kirks use them in that behalf, with the consent of the ministry 
of the same, as they will answer to God, and to the Assembly of the Universal 
Kirk gathered within the realm. (Addilio.) 


the Sacraments shall be made a place of burial. Some other 
secret and convenient place, lying in the most free air, should 
be appointed for that use ; and this ought to be well walled 
and fenced about, and kept for that use only. 

XV. For Reparation of Churches. 

Lest the Word of God, and ministration of the Sacraments, 
come into contempt by unseemliness of the place, churches 
and places where the people publicly convene should, with 
expedition, be repaired in doors, windows, thatch, and provided 
within with such preparations as appertain to the majesty of 
the Word of God as well as unto the ease and commodity 
of the people. We know the slothfulness of men in this 
behalf, and in all other which may not redound to their 
private commodity, and strait charge and commandment must 
be given that before a certain day the reparations must be 
begun, and that before another day, to be affixed by your 
honours, they be finished. Penalties and sums of money must 
be enjoined, and then without pardon taken from the contenmers. 

The reparation would be according to the possibility and 
number of the church. Every church must have doors, close 
windows of glass, thatch or slate able to withhold rain, a bell 
to convocate the people together, a pulpit, a basin for baptism, 
and tables for the ministration of the Lord s Supper. In 
greater churches, and where the congregation is great in 
number, provision must be made within the church for the 
quiet and commodious receiving of the people. The expenses 
shall be lifted partly from the people, and partly from the 
teinds, at the discretion of the ministry. 

XVI. For Punishment of those that Profane the 
Sacraments and do contemn the Word of God, 
and dare presume to minister them, not being 
thereto lawfully called. 

Satan hath never ceased from the beginning to draw 
mankind into one of two extremities. He hath sought that 


men should be so ravished with gazing upon the visible 
creatures that, forgetting why these were ordained, they 
should attribute unto them a virtue and power which God 
hath not granted unto them. Or else lie hath sought that 
men should so contemn and despise God s blessed ordinance 
and holy institutions, as if neither in the right use of them 
were there any profit, nor yet in their profanation were there 
any danger. As, in this wise, Satan hath blinded the most 
part of mankind from the beginning ; so we doubt not but that 
he will strive to continue in his malice even to the end. Our 
eyes have seen and presently do see the experience of the one 
and of the other. What was the opinion of the most part of 
men, of the Sacrament of Christ s body and blood, during the 
darkness of superstition, is not unknown; how it was gazed 
upon, kneeled unto, borne in procession, and finally worshipped 
and honoured as Christ Jesus Himself. 

So long as Satan might retain man in that damnable 
idolatry, he was quiet, as one that possessed his kingdom of 
darkness peaceably. But since it hath pleased the mercies 
of God to reveal unto the unthankful world the light of 
His Word, and the right use and administration of His 
Sacraments, he essays man upon the contrary part. Where, 
not long ago, men stood in such admiration of that idol in the 
Mass that none durst presume to have said the Mass, but the 
foresworn shaven sort (the beasts marked men) ; some dare now 
be so bold as, without all convocation, to minister, as they 
suppose, the true Sacraments in open assemblies. Some idiots, 
also, yet more wickedly and more imprudently, dare counterfeit 
in their houses that which the true ministers do in the open 
congregation ; they presume, we say, to do it in houses without 
reverence, without Word preached, and without minister, other 
than of companion to companion. This contempt proceedeth, 
no doubt, from the malice and craft of that serpent who first 
deceived man, of purpose to deface the glory of Christ s 
Evangel, and to bring His blessed Sacraments into a perpetual 

Farther, your honours may clearly see how proudly and 
stubbornly the most part despise the Evangel of Christ Jesus 


offered unto you. Unless ye resist sharply and stoutly the 
manifest despiser as well as the profaner of the Sacraments, ye 
shall find them pernicious enemies before long. Therefore, in 
the name of the Eternal God and of His Son, Christ Jesus, we 
require of your honours that, without delay, strait laws be 
made against the one and the other. 

We dare not prescribe unto you what penalties shall be 
required of such. But this we fear not to affirm, that the one 
and the other deserve death. If he which doth falsify the seal, 
subscription, or coinage of a king is adjudged worthy of death ; 
what shall we think of him who plainly doth falsify the seals 
of Christ Jesus, Prince of the kings of the earth ? If Darius 
pronounced upon the man that durst attempt to hinder the 
re-edification of the material temple, the sentence that a bauk l 
should be taken from his house, and he himself be hanged upon 
it ; what shall we say of those that contemptuously blaspheme 
God and manifestly hinder the spiritual temple of God, the 
souls and bodies of the elect from being purged, by the true 
preaching of Christ Jesus, from the superstition and damnable 
idolatry in which they have been of long plunged and holden 
captive ? If ye, as God forbid, declare yourselves careless over 
the true religion, God will not suffer your negligence to go 
unpunished. Therefore, the more earnestly require we that 
strait laws may be made against the stubborn contemners of 
Christ Jesus, and against such as dare presume to administer 
His Sacraments, without orderly call to that office ; lest, while 
there be none found to gainstand impiety, the wrath of God be 
kindled against the whole. 

The papistical priests have neither power nor authority to 
administer the Sacraments of Christ Jesus ; because in their 
mouth is not the sermon of exhortation. To them, therefore, 
must strait inhibition be made, notwithstanding any usurpa 
tion which they have had in that behalf in the time of blind 
ness. It is neither the clipping of their crowns, the crossing 
of their fingers, the blowing of the dumb dogs, called the 
bishops, nor yet the laying on of their hands that maketh 
them the true ministers of Christ Jesus. The Spirit of God 

1 Beam. 


inwardly moving hearts to seek Christ s glory and the profit 
of His Church, and thereafter the nomination of the people, 
the examination of the learned, and public admission, as before 
we have said, makes men lawful ministers of the Word and 
Sacraments. We speak of an ordinary vocation, where 
Churches are reformed, or at least tend to reformation : 
and not of that which is extraordinary, when God by Him 
self, and by His only power, raiseth up to the ministry such as 
best please His wisdom. 

The Conclusion. 

Thus have we, in these few heads, offered unto your 
honours our judgments, according as we were commanded, 
touching the reformation of things which heretofore have 
altogether been abused in this cursed Papistry. We doubt 
not but some of our petitions shall appear strange unto you 
at the first sight. But if your wisdoms deeply consider that 
we must answer not only unto men, but also before the throne 
of the Eternal God and of His Son, Christ Jesus, for the 
counsel which we give in this so grave matter, your honours 
shall easily consider that it is much safer for us to fall into 
the displeasure of all men on earth, than to offend the Majesty 
of God, whose justice cannot suffer flatterers and deceitful 
counsellors to go unpunished. 

That we require the Church to be set at such liberty, that 
she neither be compelled to feed idle bellies, nor to sustain the 
tyranny which heretofore by violence hath been maintained, 
we know will offend many. But if we should keep silence, we 
are most certain to offend the just and righteous God, who by 
the mouth of His Apostle hath pronounced this sentence : 
" He that laboureth not, let him not eat." If we, in this 
behalf or in any other, require to ask anything, other than 
by God s expressed commandment, by equity and by good 
conscience ye are bound to grant, let it be noted, and after 
repudiated ; but if we require nothing which God requireth not 
also, let your honours take heed how ye gainstand the charge 
of Him whose hand and punishment ye cannot escape. 


If blind affection leads you to have respect to the susten- 
tation of those carnal friends of yours, who tyrannously have 
empired above the poor flock of Christ Jesus, rather than the 
zeal of God s glory provoke and move you to set His oppressed 
Church at freedom and liberty, we fear sharp and sudden 
punishment for you, and that the glory and honour of this 
enterprise will be reserved unto others. 

Yet shall this our judgment abide to the generations 
following for a monument, and witness how lovingly God 
called you and this realm to repentance, what counsellors God 
sent unto you, and how ye have used the same. If obediently 
ye hear God now calling, we doubt not but He shall hear you 
in your greatest necessity. But if, following your own corrupt 
judgments, ye contemn His voice and vocation, we are assured 
that your former iniquity, and present ingratitude, shall to 
gether crave just punishment from God, who cannot long delay 
to execute His most just judgments, when, after many offences 
and long blindness, grace and mercy offered is contemptuously 

God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, by the power of 
His Holy Spirit, so illuminate your hearts, that ye may clearly 
see what is pleasing and acceptable in His presence ; so bow 
the same to His obedience, that ye may prefer His revealed 
will to your own affections; and so strengthen you by the 
spirit of fortitude, that boldly ye may punish vice, and maintain 
virtue within this realm, to the praise and glory of His holy 
name, to the comfort and assurance of your own consciences, 
and to the consolation and good example of the posterities 
following. Amen. So be it. 

By your Honours 

Most humble servitors, etc. 

From EDINBURGH, The tiventieth of May 1560. 



c. 1560* 


We, who have subscribed these presents, having advised 
with the Articles herein specified, as is above mentioned from 
the beginning of this book, think the same good, and in con 
formity with God s Word in all points, subject to the notes and 
additions thereto eked ; and we promise to set the same forward 
to the uttermost of our powers. Providing that the Bishops, 
Abbots, Priors, and other Prelates and beneficed men, who 
already have joined themselves to us, bruik the revenues of 
their benefices during their lifetimes, they sustaining and up 
holding the ministry and ministers, as is herein specified, for 
preaching of the Word, and administering of the Sacraments of 











ANDREW KER of Faldonside. 
T. SCOTT of Hayning. 

JOHN SHAW of Holy. 

Let ham. 

GEORGE FENTON of that Ilk. 

1 That is, in modern terms, 27th January 1561, the year running from 25th 
March (instead of 1st January), in the computation of time then in use. 



Affray, terror; fright: (v.) to 

Aggravate, to emphasise an 


Aggreage, to aggravate. 
Appointment, terms ; agreement ; 

truce or treaty. 
Argue syn, lieutenant (naut.). 
Assedations, leases. 
Assurance, truce ; agreement for 


Bank, beam. 

Bear, barley. 

Bide, to abide ; bidden, abode. 

Bill, letter; petition. 

Birse, bristle ; beard. 

Block-house, tower ; fort. 

Boss, a worthless character. 

Bourding) jesting. 

Brook, to soil. 

Bruik, to enjoy ; to possess. 

Bruit, common talk ; rumours ; 

Buds, gifts ; bribes. 

Buist (for browst], brewing. 

Buist, box; chest. 

Burgess, inhabitant of a burgh 
who has full municipal rights. 

Burn, brook. 

Burn his bill, make recanta 

Camp-volant, expeditionary force. 

Cass, to annul. 

Censement, judgment. 

Chalder, a grain measure of about 
90 bushels. 

Chamber-child, valet-de-chambre. 

Chanters, laics endowed with 
ecclesiastical benefices. 

Chap, to strike ; to knock. 
l Cheek-mate, familiar. 

Chimley, chimney ; fire-basket. 

Clawbaek, sycophant. 

Clerk-play, a dramatic entertain 
ment founded on a passage of 
Scripture; a "mystery." 

Cognition, evidence. 

Comfort, strength ; godly confi 

Commend, an ecclesiastical bene 
fice committed to a temporary 

Commendator, the holder of a 

Commodity, advantage. 

Compear, to present oneself in 
response to a summons. 

Compone, to agree. 
I Consequently, in sequence. 

Consistory, Church Court. 

6" or dewier friar, Fra n ci sc a n . 

Cowp, to tilt. 

Craig, neck. 




Credit, mandate ; written instruc 

Crown of the sun, a French crown 
having as mint mark an emblem 
of the sun : gold coin worth 18s. 

Cuid, chrisom. 

Culverin, the largest cannon used 
in the 16th century. 

Cummer, entanglement ; broil ; 

Cunyie, mint, coinage ; to mint, 
to coin. 

Dad, to knock ; to thump. 

Dag, to shoot. 

Dea?nbulator, promenade. 

Delate, to accuse. 

Delation, accusation. 

Delatour, procrastination. 

Dictament, phraseology, 

Ding, to knock violently ; to dash 

(p. dang, p.p. dung}. 
Ditement, what is written. 
Divagation, wandering from the 

straight course. 
Divers, sundry. 
Doctrine, act of teaching. 
Document, warning; evidence. 
Dolour, grief; distress. 
Dontibour, courtesan. 
Dortour, hangings; decorative 

Dot, dowry. 
Doted, endowed. 
Down-thring, overthrow. 
Dule-weed, apparel of mourning. 
Dyke, wall. 
Dyttament, dictation; guidance. 

Ejfray, to frighten. 
Eke, to increase. 
Eke, eik, an addition. 
Erne, uncle ; kinsman. 
Ensenyes, companies (milit.). 
Exercition, bodily exercise ; 
military exercise. Jamie son. 

Factors, stewards. 

Factory, Scots equivalent of a 

power of attorney. 
Fard, ardour; violence. 
Fash, to trouble. 
Fasbery, trouble. 
Fashious, troublesome. 
Fertour, coffer. 
File, thread ; sequence. 
Pillocks, giddy young women. 
Fley, to scare ; to frighten. 
Flyrt andflyre, to mock and deride. 
Forethink, to repent. 
Foment, over against. 
Frack, active ; ready; make frack, 

make bustling preparation. 
Fray, fright. 
Fremmed, strange ; unfriendly. 

Gaird, guard ; civil establishment. 

Gait, way ; route ; upon the gait, on 
the move. 

Gar, to cause ; gart, caused. 

Gear, goods ; stuff. 

Girn, to grind or gnash the teeth. 

Girnell, granary. 

Glaise, a scorching. 

Glister, lustre. 

Glondours, a state of ill-humour. 

G<:sd-daughter, daughter-in-law. 

Goodsire, maternal grandfather. 

Greet, to weep ; grat, wept. 

Griping, extortionate. 

Gukstoun Glaikstour, apparently 
a nickname. " A contemptuous 
designation, expressive of the 
combination of folly and vain 
glory." Jamie son. 

Hackbut, harquebus : species of 

hand firearm used in 15th and 

16th centuries. 
Hamesucken, the crime of beating 

or assaulting a person within 

his own house. 
Harberous, hospitable. 


4 2 5 

Hardest^ harshness. 

Herschip, plundering. 

Horn, public intimation of out 

Horning, outlawry ; process of 

How, hollow ; underground. 

Hurl, to wheel. 

Improve, to disprove. 
Inable, to disqualify. 
Incontinently, forthwith. 
Indifference, impartiality. 
Indifferent, impartial. 
Induration, hardening of heart. 
Indure, to remain of firm pur 

Ingyne, ingenuity ; genius. 
Institute, to place in authority. 
Irons, coining dies. 
Isb, to come out; to sally forth. 

Jack, a coat of mail. 
Jackman, armed follower. 
Jefwellis, jailbirds. 
Jow, to toll. 

Kep, to intercept ; to catch. 
Kindness, fealty of retainers. 
Knap, to strike. 
Knapscall, head-piece. 
Kythe, to show ; to practise. 

Lair, to stick in the mire. 

Lavachre, washing. 

Lesing, lying. 

Let, hindrance. 

Letters, writs under the royal 

signet; summonses. 
Lippen, to trust. 

Manrent, vassalage. 
Mansworn, perjured. 
Marrow, match ; equal. 
Me/I, to meddle. 
Menyie, crowd of followers. 

Mint, threat, 
Modify, adjust. 
Mows, jest. 
Myster, skill ; mastery. 

Napkin, pocket-handkerchief. 

Navy, fleet. 

Neifeling, fisticuffs. 

Neifs, fists. 

Noisome, annoying ; troublesome. 

Pare, to diminish. 

Partaker, ally. 

Patron, skipper. 

Penult, second last (day). 

Peregrine, foreign ; irrelevant. 

Placebo, the opening antiphon of 

vespers for the dead, in the 

Romish service ; from opening 

words of Psalm xvi. 
Placeboes, parasites ; flatterers. 
Plack, a small copper coin. 
Platt, to place close. 
Platt on his knees, threw himself 

on his knees. 
Pock, bag ; case. 
Poise, secret hoard of money. 
Pot finger, apothecary. 
Power, forces. 
Practise, to intrigue. 
Prevent, anticipate. 
Propine, to present gifts. 
Purchase, to sue out ; to procure. 
Purpose, conversation. 

Rays, yards (naut.). 
Reduce, to bring back. 
Reek, smoke. 
Regiment^ rule ; control. 
Reif, robbery. 

Retreat, to repudiate; to with 

Rowping, crying hoarsely. 
Ruse, boast. 

Sark, shirt. 



Scaill, scaling-ladder. 

<SV -by bald, mean fellow. 

Scrimple, to shrivel. 

Scrip, to mock. 

Seinyie, synod; consistory. 

Skaill, to disperse ; to spill. 

Slanting, range of fire. 

Slogan, battle-cry. 

S token, to quench. 

Snappers, stumbles. 

Sned, to clip, as with shears. 

Sparse, to spread abroad. 

Speir, to inquire. 

Splent, armour for the legs. 

Spunk, spark. 

Spurt/e, porridge stick. 

Stammer, to stagger. 

Stark, strong. 

Stay, impediment. 

Stock, crop from which teind was 

Stag, to stab. 

Stog-sword, long small-sword. 
Stool, pulpit. 
Stoop, support. 
Stout, staunch. 
Stowth, theft. 
Sturr, to make disturbance or 


Suppostis, supporters. 
Sweir, unwilling. 

Tabernacle, a shrine for host con 
secrated at mass. 

Targeting of tails, bordering of 
gowns with tassels. 

Teind, tenth-part ; tithe. 

Tine, to lose ; tint, lost. 

Tinsel, loss. 

To-loo\, prospect. 

Tor, arm (of a chair). 

Umqukile, late; deceased. 
Upaland, at a distance from the 

sea ; in the country. 
Upfall, matter cast up ; incident. 

Vassalage, feats of valour. 
Vilipended, slighted ; undervalued. 

Warsel, wrestle. 

Whinger, hanger (kind of sword). 

Wiss, to imagine. 

Wodness, fury ; madness. 

Wolter, overturn. 

Wyte, blame. 

Tett, gate. 


Ancruni Moor, 50. 

Angus, Earl of, 23, 43, 49, 80, 101, 

Annan, Dean John, 86. 

Earl, and succeeded to the Title on 
his Father s attaining his Dukedom), 
83, 84, 178, 180, 185, 186, 199, 217, 
218, 229, 241, 250. 

Argyll, Fourth Earl of, 33, 42, 102, Arth, Friar William, 8. 

104, 122, 131, 132. 
Argyll, Fifth Earl of, 120, 131, 154, 

157, 158, 159, 160, 165, 167, 203, 

208, 245, 276, 277. 
Arran, Lord James Hamilton, Second 

Ayr, 43, 120, 267. 

Balfour, Sir James, of Pittendreich 
(sometime Official of Lothian), 96, 
99, 109, 111, 177, 199. 

Earl of (afterwards created Duke of Baluaves, Henry, 21, 37, 38, 40, 46, 
Chatelherault, and frequently re- ; 83, 85, 108, 197-200. 
ferred to by Knox as "The Duke" j Beaton, David, Cardinal. Makes in- 
or " The Duke s Grace"). His name 
on the roll of heretics, 27. Claims 
the regency on death of James V., 33. 
Proclaimed Regent, 34. Breaks faith 
with England, 42. The Cardinal s 
tool, 46. Consents to Wishart s 
arrest, 62. Treacherous dealing 
with assassins of Beaton, 83, 97. 
Prepares to resist Somerset s inva 
sion, 100. At Pinkie Clench, 102. 
Receives Duchy of Chatelherault, 
and other favours, for consent to 
marriage of the young Queen, 104. 
At the trial of Adam Wallace, 113. 
He is deposed, 116. Persecutes the 
Protestants, 151. In league with 
Queen Regent, 156, 163, 167. At 
tends sermon in St. Giles, 171. Is 
found on the side of the Congrega 
tion, 180. Is admonished l>y Knox, 
183. Stationed at Glasgow, 186. 
His slackness reproved by Knox, 198. 
Concurs in treaty of Berwick, 200. 
At Kinneil, 252, 254. Exhorted by 
Knox to remain firm, 267. At the 
trial of Knox, 293. Banqueted by 
the Queen, 303. 
Arran, Third Earl of (Sou of Second 

quisition, 17. Opposes meeting of 
James V. and Henry VIII., 22. 
Presents a "scroll" of heretics, 25. 
Partly responsible for Solway Moss, . 
27. At the King s deathbed, 32. 
Claims the Regency unsuccessfully, 
33. The Regent favours the Pro 
testants and Beaton is imprisoned, 
35. But he escapes, 36. With the 
Queen Dowager and the faction of 
France, 39. Raises a party against 
Arran, 42. Suggests marriage of 
Lennox with Queen Dowager, 43. 
Stirs strife amongst the Protestants, 
44. His treachery, 46. Fortifies 
St. Andrews, and hoists his flag, 51. 
Attempts assassination of Wishart. 
55. Secures arrest of Wishart, 62. 
His quarrel with Archbishop Duubar, 
63. Sits in judgment on Wishart, 
65-77. Fancies himself secure, 80. 
Seized and assassinated, 81-82. 

Beaton, James, Archbishop of Glas 
gow (Nephew of Cardinal Beaton), 
121, 169. 

Beaton, James, Archbishop of St. 
Andrews (Uncle of Cardinal Beaton), 
4, 6, 11, 12, 14, 15. 




Bellenden, Sir John. See Justice 

Bellenden, Thomas (Justice Clerk in 
succession to Thomas Scott), 21, 40. 

Berwick, Treaty of, 200. 

Bible, Au Open, 36. 

Blackader, Robert, Archbishop of Glas 
gow, 2, 4. 

Book of Discipline, The, 363 (cf. 217, 

Borthwick, Captain John, 17. 

Bothwell, Third Earl of, 42, 60, 61. 

Bothvvell, Fourth Earl of (afterwards 
third Husband of Mary Queen of 
Scots), 178, 185, 248, 250, 254, 266, 
267, 270, 284. 

Buccleuch, Family of, 14, 23, 46, 104. 

Buchanan, George, 21. 

Campbell, Friar Alexander, 6, 7. 

Campbell, Hugh, of Kinyeancleuch, ! 

Campbell, Robert, of Kinyeancleuch, 
120, 229. 

Cassillis, Earl of, 7, 29, 43, 58, 115, 127. 

Castle Campbell, 122. 

Chatelherault, Duke of. See Arran, 
Second Earl of. 

Clerk of Register (James Macgill of 
Nether Rankeillor), 239, 245, 335. 

Coldingham, Lord John Stewart, Prior 
of, 228, 248, 249, 283, 285. 

Confession of Faith, Knox s, 214, 341. 

Congregation, The (Name given to the 
Reformation Party in Scotland). 
Letter from Knox to the Lords of 
the Congregation, 128. First Cove 
nant : December 1557, 130. First 
Rules of Reformed Church, 131. 
Questioning regarding the Mass, 136. 
Steps towards Public Reformation, 
137. First Petition to Regent, 138. 
Appeal to Parliament, 143. Letter 
to the Regent, 151. Letters to the 
Nobility, 153. West-land marches 
to aid of Perth, 156. Peace patched : 
May 1559, 157. Covenant renewed, 
158. Occupation of Stirling and 
Edinburgh, 165. Overtures to Regent, 
167. Regent in Arms, 169. Con 
vention at Stirling, 174. Depose the 
Regent, 175, Soldiers demand Pay, 

177. English Supplies captured, 

178. Retreat to Stirling, 181. At 
Stirling, 186. Campaign in Fife, 
188. English Fleet arrives, 190. 
French retreat to Edinburgh, 190. 
Negotiation with England, 191 if. 

Treaty of Berwick, 200. English 
Army arrives : 1560, 203. Peace 
with France, 209. Preachers and 
Superintendents appointed, 212. 
Knox preaches, Reformation agreed 
upon, 213. Petition to Parliament, 
213. Confession of Faith, 214. Mass 
prohibited, 216. The Book of Dis 
cipline, 217. French Demands, 221. 
Convention at Edinburgh, 222. The 
Queen s Mass, 239. Court and Kirk, 
241. Defaulting Lords, 242. Patri 
mony of Kirk, 246. General Assembly : 
June 1562, 259. Petition to Queen, 
259. Bond subscribed at Ayr, 267. 
Influence at Court, 270. General 
Assembly : December 1562, 271. 
Massmongers tried, 276. Arrest of 
Cranstoun and Armstrong, 287. 
Knox summons the Brethren, 287. 
He is tried for Treason, 289. General 
Assembly: December 1563, 301. The 
Assembly and Knox, 301. General 
Assembly : June 1564, 306. Schis 
matic Courtiers, 307. Debate between 
Knox and Lethington, 309. 

Craig, Mr. John, 304, 308, 334. 

Craigmillar Castle, 50. 

Craw, Paul, 1. 

Crossraguel, Abbot of, 267, 268, 272. 

Crown Matrimonial, 133. 

Cupar, 162, 186. 

Cupar Moor, 162, 192. 

Darnley, Henry, Lord, 51, 270. 
D Elbomf, Rene de Lorraine, Marquis, 

185, 226, 248, 249. 

Discipline, The Book of, 217, 243, 363. 
Douglas, Family of, 14. 
Douglas, John, 123, 132, 142. 
Douglas, Sir George (Brother of the 

Earl of Angus), 23, 38, 44, 49, 59, 115. 
D Oysel, Monsieur, 96, 103, 106, 111, 

123, 151, 152, 154, 159, 163, 188, 


Duke, The. See Arran, Second Earl of. 
Dun, John Erskiue, Laird of (Superin 
tendent of Angus and Mearns), 16, 

119, 120, 131, 137, 148, 149, 156, 

160, 212, 281, 283, 308. 
Dunbar, 166, 168, 169. 
Dunbar, Gavin, Archbishop of Glasgow, 

18, 53, 63, 64. 
Dunblane, Bishop of, 18. 
Dundee, 8, 11, 17, 46, 52, 54, 56, 68, 

97, 103, 123, 137, 147, 154, 165, 178, 

Dysart, 188. 



Edinburgh, 17,18, 35,39,43,47-48,50, 
123, 134, 137, 142, 166, 171, 173, 
238, 305. 

Edinburgh Castle, 50, 51, 62, 170, 185, 

Edward VI., 38, 104, 116. 

England, Reformation in, 15. War 
with Scotland (1542), 43. Invasion 
of Scotland (1543), 48. Invasion of 
Scotland (1547), 100. Congregation 
seeks Aid, 170. Aid sent, 178. A 
Fleet sent, 190. Comimmings with 
the Congregation, 191-199. Army 
withdrawn from Scotland, 210. 
Queen Elizabeth declines Marriage 
with Arran, 218. Queen Elizabeth 
and Mary Queen of Scots, 223, 258, 

Erskine, John, of Dun. tfecDun, Laird 

Erskine, Lord (afterwards Earl of Mar 
and Regent of Scotland), 24, 120, 
170, 185, 247 n. 

Faith. The Confession of, 214, 341. 

Fala Raid, 24. 

Fife, Campaign in, 188. 

Foxe, John, 5, 65 n. 

France, Peace with, 209. 

Francis II. of France, 133, 153, 218, 

French in Scotland, 51, 97, 104, 105, 

133, 173. 

Glasgow, 1, 44, 64, 154. 

Glencairn, William, Fourth Earl of, 

29, 30, 38, 43, 53. 
Glencairn, Alexander, Fifth Earl of, 

115, 120, 121, 131, 147, 153, 156, 

186, 203, 208, 217, 293. 
Gourlay, Norman, 16. 
Gray, Lord, 44, 45, 46. 
Guise, Duke of, 116, 185. 
Guise. Sec Lorraine ; D Elbceuf ; 


Haddington, 31. 60, 61, 103, 104, 105, 

106, 112. 

Hailes, House of, 62. 
Halden Rig, 23. 
Hamilton, Gavin, Abbot of Kilwinning, 

157, 249, 252, 254. 
Hamilton, Family of, 14, 34, 41, 103, 

249, 250. 

Hamilton, Sir James, 20. 
Hamilton, John (Abbot of Paisley, and 

Archbishop of St. Andrews after 

Beaton), 40, 41, 43, 51, 83, 90, 97, 

100, 113, 124, 134, 142, 151, 160, 

162, 169, 267, 272, 276, 284. 
Hamilton, Patrick, 5 if., 11, 116. 
Harlaw, William, 117, 123, 137. 
Henry II. of France, 43, 98, 99, 169. 
Henry VIII., 10, 14, 22, 38, 42, 51, 

83, 100. 
Holy rood house, Lord Robert Stewart, 

Abbot of, 228, 285. 
Home, Lord, 24, 101. 
Huntly, Earl of, 24, 33, 42, 102, 103, 

104, 113, 114, 115, 167, 171, 249, 

250, 265, 267. 

Inveresk, 59, 100, 105. 

James IV., 2, 4, 5. 

James V., 6, 13, 17, 18, 20, 22, 24-33. 
Justice Clerk, Sir John Bellenden, 239, 
245, 293, 302. 

Kennedy, Friar, 19. 

Kinghorn. 186, 187. 

Kirkaldy, James, Laird of Grange, 33, 
40, 46, 99, 107, 110, 192. 

Kirkaldy, William, of Grange, Younger, 
31, 81, 83, 98, 108, 109, 110, 180, 

Kirkcaldy, Affair at, 189. 

Kirk-breaking at Perth, 149. 

Kirk, The Privy. 137. 

Knoxs Confession, 341 (cf. 241). 

Knox, John, Waits upon Wishart, 
60. At Castle of St. Andrews, 84. 
Called to be Preacher, 85. First 
Sermon, 87. Disputation with 
Winram, 90. Prisoner in France, 
109. In England, 111. At Geneva, 
111. Returns to Scotland, 117. On 
the Mass, 119. In Kyle, 120. 
Summoned by the Bishops, 121. 
Recalled to Geneva, 122. Burned 
in Effigy, 122. Recalled from 
Geneva, 128. Letter to the Lords, 
128. Returns from France, 148. 
At Perth, 148. Protest at Perth, 
154. Accuses Argyll and Lord 
James Stewart of disloyalty, 157. 
Interdicted from Preaching, 160. 
He declines to obey, 160. Preaches 
at St. Andrews, 161. At Scone, 
165. Sermon at Stirling, 181. 
Preaches at Cupar, 187. And Sir 
^Villiam Cecil, 191-195. At Ber 
wick, 193. Reproaches the Lords, 
196. Minister of Edinburgh, 212. 
The Book of Disi ipline, 217. Preaches 
against Queen s Mass, 230. First 



Interview with Queen Mary, 230- 
237. Discusses Book of Discipline, 
243. On Patrimony of Kirk, 245. 
Knox and Lethington, 246. Marriage \ 
of Earl of Moray, 247. Bothwell j 
and Arran, 250. Second Interview \ 
with Queen, 255-25 8. Warns the j 
Protestants, 266. And Abbot of 
Crossraguel, 268. Third Interview | 
with Queen Mary, 273-276. Breaks ; 
with Lord Moray, 278. Sermon to j 
the Lords, 279. Fourth Interview 
with QueenMary. 281-283. Summons | 
the Brethren, 287. He is betrayed, 
289. Accused of High Treason, 290. 
Argues with Master of Maxwell, 290. 
Tried by Privy Council, 293-300. j 
Preaches against the Mass, 305. i 
Disputation with Lethington, con 
cerning Rights of Princes, 309-332. | 

Kyle, Knox in, 120. 

Kyle, Lollards of, 2. 

Kyle, Wishart in, 53. 

Ivy Hour, Friar, 18. 

Leith, 16, 17, 43, 49, 50, 58, 142, 169, 

170, 172. 
Lennox, Earl of (afterwards Regent of 

Scotland), 14, 43, 51, 270, 284. 
Lennox, Family of, 14. 
Leslie, John, 80, 83. 
Leslie, Norman, 45, 81, 107. 
Lethington. See Maitland. 
Lindsay, John, 11. 
Linlithgow, 13, 14, 21, 32, 39, 42, 186, 


Lollards of Kyle, The, 2. 
Longniddry, 59. 

Lorraine. See D Elbceuf ; Mary. 
Lorraine, Cardinal of, 105, 116, 133, 

Lyndsay, Master, afterwards Lord, 

188, 228, 248. 
Lyndsay, Sir David of the Mount, 40, 


Macgill, James, of Nether Rankeillor. 
See Clerk of Register. 

Maitland, Sir Richard, of Lethington. 
36, 60, 276, 290, 293. 

Maitland, William, of Lethington, 
Secretary to Mary Queen of Scots. 
At conference with Knox anent the 
Mass, 119. Joins Lords of Con 
gregation, 180. Ambassador from 
Congregation to English Court, 183, 
217. Supports the Queen s Mass, 
239. Scoffs at Boole of Discipline, 

243. Modificator of stipends, 245. 
On the ingratitude of ministers, 246. 
At second interview of Knox with 
Queen, 255. Objects to plain speak 
ing concerning Queen s Mass, 264. 
Commissioner to England and France 
concerning Queen s marriage, 270. 
His return and worldly wisdom, 284. 
Interest in Knox s trial for high 
treason, 290, 292, 293, 299. For 
the Queen, makes promises which 
are not kept, 303. Defies the ser 
vants of God, 304. 
Major, Master John, 9. 
Marischall, Earl, 53, 115, 121, 208, 

215, 239, 247, 293. , 
Martigues, Count de, 185, 187, 189. 
Mary Tudor, Queen of England, 111, 


Mary of Lorraine (Queen of James V., 
and for some time Regentof Scotland). 
Arrival in Scotland, 18. Gives birth 
to Mary Stuart, 32. Relations with 
Cardinal Beaton, 32. Resents be 
trothal of Mary to Prince Edward, 
39. Cardinal Beaton takes posses 
sion, 42. Earl of Lennox proposes 
marriage, 43. Seeks the death of 
Wishart, 62. Mourns death of 
Cardinal Beaton, 83. Abets Arran 
in breaking appointment with Pro 
testants, 96. Goes to France, 115. 
Supplants Arran as Regent, 116. 
Her superstition and cruelty, 117. 
Declares war on England, 122. 
Temporises with Protestants, 124. 
Celebrates St. Giles s Day, 125. 
Seeks the crown-matrimonial for the 
King of France, 133. Aims at sup 
pressing Evangel, 136. Duplicity 
towards Protestants, 142. Approves 
murder of Walter My In, 143. Makes 
large promises of reform, 145. Her 
treachery, 146. Resents kirk-break- 
ing at Perth, 150. Stirs up the 
nobility, 151. Objects to convocation 
of Protestants at Perth, 154. Offers 
coloured terms, 156. Enters Perth, 
and breaks faith, 159. Deserted by 
Argyll and Lord James, 159. De 
clares war on the Protestants, 162. 
Breaks armistice after Cupar Moor, 
163. Driven from Stirling and 
Edinburgh, 166. Marches upon 
Edinburgh, 169. Restores Mass at 
Holyrood, 172. Strengthens her 
French forces, 173. Deposed by the 
Protestants, 175. Boasts over Pro- 



testant reverses, 187. Lays waste 
the country, 202. Rejoices at sight 
of French barbarity at second siege 
of Leith, 207. Is smitten with 
disease, 207. Her illness, 208. Ex 
presses repentance, 208. Her death. 

Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots. Her 
birth, 32. Betrothal to Prince Ed 
ward, 38. Taken to France, 105. 
Visited by the Queen-Dowager (upon 
the occasion of her marriage to King 
Francis II. ), 1 15. Protestants act in 
her name, 176. Declines to ratify 
Acts of first Protestant Parliament, 
216. Death of King Francis, 218. 
Message to her people, 223. Rela 
tions with Queen Elizabeth, 223. 
Arrival in Scotland, 226. The 
Queen s Mass at Holyrood, 227-229. 
First interview with Knox, 230. 
State entry to Edinburgh, 238. Her 
behaviour, 240. Imprisons Arran 
and Both well, 255. Second inter 
view with Knox, 255-258. Negotia 
tions with Elizabeth, 258. Relations 
with Lord Moray, 259, 269. Visits 
the North, 265. Deals with the revolt 
of Huntly, 268. Rumours of mar 
riage, 270. Permits flight of Both- 
well, 270. Resents suppression of 
massmongers, 272. Third interview 
with Knox, 273-276. Opens Parlia 
ment, 277. Fourth interview with 
Knox, 281-283. Receives warning 
from Lord John Stewart, 285. Pre 
sides at trial of Knox, 293-300. 
Banquets the Lords, 303. Her 
broken promises, 303. Favours the 
Papists, 305. 

Mass, Knox attacks, 119. The Queen 
Regent and the, 146. Prohibited by 
Act of Parliament, 216. Disputation 
concerning, 219. At Holyrood, 227. 
Restored by Queen Mary, 239. The 
Queen s, 285. 

Massmongers, Trial of, 276. 

Mauchline, 54. 

Maxwell, Lord, 27, 28, 29, 43, 115. 

Maxwell, Master of, 148, 178, 19<>, 
200, 249, 267, 290, 293. 

Melvin, James, 82, 112. 

Methven, Paul, 123, 137, 147, 212. 

Miracles, False, 10. 

Montrose, 52, 56, 57, 147. 

Moray, Lord James Stewart, Earl of. 
When Prior of St. Andrews, ap 
proves Knox s doctrine, 120. Emis 

sary from Queen Regent to Earl of 
Argyll, 134. Her commissioner 
to Reformers at Perth : interview 
with Knox, 154. Accused of dis 
loyalty, by Knox, 157. Subscribes 
the Bond of the Lords of the Con 
gregation, 158. Abandons the Queen 
Regent, 159. Convenes the Reform 
ers at St. Andrews, 160. At Cupar 
Moor, 162. Stays the sack of Scone, 
165. Represents the Congregation 
at communings at Preston, 167. 
Pursues Earl of Both well, 178. 
Offers to hold Edinburgh for the 
Congregation, 180. Conducts Pro 
testant forces to St. Andrews and 
Cupar, 186. Campaign in Fife, 188. 
Is summoned to conference at Car 
lisle, 196. Knox objects, 197. Ap 
prehends supporters of the French. 
199. At Berwick, 200. With the 
English army at Preston, 203. At 
the Queen Regent s deathbed, 208. 
At the first Protestant Parliament, 
212. Sent by Protestants to Queen 
Mary in France, 221. His narrow 
escape and return, 222. Protects 
Queen s Mass at Holyrood, 228. At 
Knox s interview with the Queen, 
230. At conference concerning 
Queen s Mass, 239. Lieutenant of 
the Borders, 240. Appointed to 
modify stipends, 245. Created Earl 
of Mar, and thereafter Earl of Moray 
instead, 247. Suppresses riotous 
courtiers, 249. Plots made against 
his life, 250. Relations with the 
Queen, 259, 269. Receives Kuox s 
report of second interview with the 
Queen, 274. Knox breaks with him, 
278. His eclipse at Court, 284. 
Receives Lethington s report on 
Knox s treason, 290. He and Leth- 
ington reason with Knox, 292. At 
Knox s trial, 293. Strained relations 
with Knox continue, 337. 

Morton, Earl of, Lord Chancellor, 
(afterwards Regent of Scotland), 131, 
217, 239, 245, 255, 307, 313, 333. 

Myln, Walter, 112. 

Oblivion, Act of, 279. 

Ochiltree, Andrew Stewart, Lord, l">fei, 

203, 229, 243, 249, 281. 
Ormiston, 59. 

Paisley, Abbot of. ticc Hamilton, 

43 2 


Panter, Master David, 40, 46, 128. 
Parliament of October 1558, 134, 143. 
Parliament, First Protestant (1560), 


Parliament of May 1563, 277. 
Patrimony of the Kirk, 244, 301. 
Peace with France and England, 113. 
Persecutions, Early, 1. 
Perth, 46, 47, 48, 58, 147-159, 164, 


Pettycur, Skirmish at, 186. 
Pinkie Clench, Battle of, 100. 
Pittarrow, Laird of, 200, 245, 246, 

286, 293. 
Pope, Act against Supremacy of the, 

Protestant Party. See Congregation, 

Lords of. 

Reconciliation, Articles of, 141. 

Regent, The. See Arran ; Mary. 

Reid, Adam, of Barskymming, 2, 4. 

Restalrig, Dean of, 127. 

Revolt of Huntly, 268. 

Rothes, Earl of, 46, 127. 

Rough, John, 35, 40, 84, 85. 

Russell, Friar, 18. 

Ruthven, Second Lord, 36, 44, 147, 

154, 159, 164, 175. 
Ruthven, Third Lord, 45, 186, 203, 

293, 295. 

St. Andrews, 2, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 17, 

46, 63, 160, 163, 199, 238. 
St. Andrews Castle, 51, 62, 78, 83, 96, 

97, 104, 142. 

St. Andrews University, 1, 8, 95. 
St. Giles s Image, 125. 
St. Giles s Kirk, 177, 210. 
St. John, Sir James Sandilands, Lord, 

216, 217, 421. 
Sandilands, Sir James, of Calder, 

Sandilands, Sir James, of Torphichen . 

See St. John. 
Scone, Sack of, 165. 
Scots Prisoners in France, 99, 107. 
Scots Reformers abroad, 15. 
Scott, Friar, 35, 77. 

Scott, Thomas, Justice Clerk, 21. 

Seton, Friar Alexander, 11-14. 

Seton, Lord, 24, 36, 123, 166. 171. 

Siege of Leith, First, 177. 

Siege of Leith, Second, 204. 

Siege of St. Andrews Castle, 97. 

Sinclair, Oliver, 27, 28. 

Solway Moss, 27 tf., 38. 

Stewart, Lord James, Prior of St. 

Andrews. See Earl of Moray. 
Stewart, Lord John. See Coldingham, 

Prior of. 
Stewart, Lord Robert. See Holyrood- 

house, Abbot of. 
Stipends, Modification of, 244. 
Stirling, 11, 18, 42, 147, 165, 170, 186, 

Stratoun, David, 16. 

Traneut, 60. 

Twa-penny Faith, The, 132. 

Wallace, Adam, 113. 

War with England (1555), 122. 

Willock, John. Seeks work in Scot 
land, 117. Discusses the Mass, 119. 
Preaches and teaches in Edinburgh, 
123, 137. At Perth, 157. Braves 
the fury of the Queen Regent, 171. 
Absence in England, 181. Exhorts 
the Queen Regent on her deathbed, 
209. Superintendent of Glasgow, 
212. Part author of The Book of 
Discipline, 217. Moderator at dis 
putation between Knox and Pro 
testant courtiers, 308. 

Winram, Dean John (Sub-prior of St. 
Andrews : afterwards Superinten 
dent of Fife). Preaches on heresy 
before trial of Wisliart, 66. Receives 
Wishart s confession, 77. Disputa 
tion with Knox concerning doctrine, 
90-92. Is appointed Superintendent 
for Fife, 212. Takes part in framing 
Book of Discipline, 217. Joins depu 
tation from Assembly to Protestant 
courtiers, 308. His judgment con 
cerning the Queen s Mass, 333. 

Wishart, George, 52 ff. , 89. 

Printed by MORRISON AND Gnsu LIMITED, Edinbanj/t 

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Knox, J. 

The history of the reformation 

of religion in Scotland.